THE 

OKIGIN,   TENDENCIES  AND  PRINCIPLES 


FROM   EARLY   HISTORIC    TIME    TO    THE    PRESENT  ; 
WITH 

SPECIAL  CONSIDERATIONS  REGARDING  THE  FUTURE  OF 

THE    UNITED    STATES 

AS   THE 

REPRESENTATIVE  GOVERNMENT  OF  THE  WORLD 


FORM   OF  ADMINISTRATION   WHICH  WILL  SECURE  THIS  CONSUMMATION. 

ALSO,    PAPERS   ON    HUMAN"    EQUALITY,    AS   REPRESENTED    BY 

LABOR    AND     ITS     REPRESENTATIVE,    MONEY  ;     AND 

THE   MEANING  AND  SIGNIFICANCE  OF  LIFE 

FROM   A  SCIENTIFIC   STANDPOINT, 

WITH     ITS     PROPHECIES 

FOR   THE   GREAT 

FUTURE. 


BY  VICTORIA  C.  WOODHULL. 


NEW    YORK: 
WOODHULL,  CLAFLIN  &  CO.,  44  BROAD  STREET. 

1871. 


Entered  according  to  act  of  Congress1,  in  tlie  year  1871,  by  VICTORIA  C.  WOODHULI.,  in  the  office  of 
the  Libraiian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


FROM   THE 

CO-OPEEATIVE    PRESS, 

30  BEEKMAN  STREET, 

NEW  YORK. 


CONTENTS. 


God  in  Creation,  History  and  Government, 1 

Constitution  of  the  United  States, 3 

First  Pronunciamento,     .        >. 19 

A  Review  of  the  General  Situation,      ........  23 

Second  Pronunciamento,          .         .  .         .         .         .        .        .        .36 

The  Tendencies  of  Government, 41 

Woman's  Idea  of  Government, 86 

The  Limits  and  f  phere  of  Government, 88 

The  Principles  of  Government,         .         .         .        .        .     •  ,        .         .         .  109 

Papers  on  Labor  and  Capital,       .........  128 

Paper  on  Finance  and  Commerce, 174 

The  Basis  of  Physical  Life,           .        *    '    .    ' 20o 

The  Tendencies  and  Prophecies  of  the  Present  Age, 223 


INTRODUCTORY. 


Specializations  have  been  characteristic  of  the  present  generation.  Branches 
of  science,  philosophy  or  art  have  been  selected  and  treated  as  though  possessed 
of  great  and  independent  importance.  The  process  of  individuality  has  been  the 
cause ;  but  true  evolution,  whether  in  man  or  matter,  consists  in  viewing  whatever 
is  presented  for  consideration  as  being  related  to  all  the  rest,  and  as  a  part  of  the 
whole. 

It  will  be  evident  to  the  careful  reader  that  the  various  subjects  contained  in 
this  volume  were  not  originally  prepared  for  this  purpose.  In  several  instances 
the  same  points  receive  consideration,  which,  while  they  perhaps  interfere  with  the 
general  consecutiveness  of  the  entire  work,  would  interfere  still  more  with  the  con- 
struction of  its  parts,  were  they  omitted.  For  this  we  have  no  other  apology  to 
offer. 

Perhaps,  however,  an  explanation  is  due  for  errors  which  have  undoubtedly 
been  passed  unnoticed.  During  the  publication  we  have  been  variously  engaged 
and  not  able  to  devote  the  time  actually  requisite  to  reviewing  a  work  of  this 
character.  Very  much  of  the  proof-reading  has  necessarily  been.  Intrusted  to 
others,  and  we  regret  that  some  typographical  errors  have  crept  in.  Those  we 
have  noticed  are  so  evident  they  scarcely  need  be  mentioned.  In  one  case  evolu- 
tion has  been  rendered  revolution ;  in  another,  evolve,  revolve  ;  in  another,  farce> 
force,  etc.  All  who  might  desire  to  read  part  of  this  book  may  not  care  for  other 
parts.  Those  who  would  find  food  for  thought  in  "The  Basis  of  Physical  Life" 
might  not  care  to  inquire  whether  the  governmental  evolution  of  the  world  has 
been  consistent  and  persistent ;  but  we  trust  that  everybody  who  takes  up  this 
book  will  carefully  read"  The  Limits  and  Sphere  and  the  Principles  of  Govern- 
ment," and  "Papers  on  Labor  and  Capital  and  Commerce,"  for  these  immediately 
concern  us  all. 

In  introducing  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  and  the  late  action  in  refer- 
ence to  human  rights,  it  is  hoped  to  rdeet  in  a  manner  the  rapidly-growing  demand 
for  information  upon  the  Woman  Question,  and  in  giving  it  the  prominence  of 
introducing  the  book  to  our  readers,  we  trust  to  cause  further  inquiry  into  the 
subject  of  the  equality  of  human  rights.  Asking  the  indulgence  of  an  ever  gen- 
erous public  we  commit  our  effort  to  its  care,  with  the  hope  that  the  Providence 
of  God  may  approve  it,  and  that  it  may  benefit  that  humanity  in  whose  cause  I 
profess  to  labor. 

VICTORIA  C.  WOODHULL 
NEW  YORK,  February  1,  1871. 


GOD  IN  CREATION,  IN  HISTORY  AND  IN  GOVERNMENT. 


ALMIGHTY  GOD  !  who  art  alone  first  cause, 

Of  all  that  Nature  works  through  changeless  laws, 

Maker  and  author  of  whate'er  we  see 

That  lives  Thy  life  amid  eternity. 

Look  back  ere  time  was,  and  the  face  of  earth, 
Lifeless  and  still,  was  solitude  and  dearth ; 
No  lovely  valleys  and  no  hills  sublime  ; 
No  rocks  or  waters  marked  the  hours  ot  time. 

Yet  look  again ;  behold  the  grass-clad  hills, 
Dew-spangled,  multitudinous  with  rills, 
Yet  lifeless  still :  no  reason  and  no  sight, 
That  in  these  many  glories  know  delight. 

Yet  look  again  ;  field-beasts  and  birds  of  sky 
Range  woods  and  glades  mere  hunger  to  supply ; 
And  time  rolls  onward,  rocks  grow  old  and  gray, 
And, Nature's  face  is  wrinkled  with  decay. 

Yet  look  again ;  Creation's  fullness  past, 
And  one  supreme  is  born.     Man  comes  at  last ; 
Man,  who  to  man  is  what  God  is  to  earth ; 
God's  image  in  the  r.oul ;  in  form  her  birth. 

Yet  look  again ;  Man  reaches  to  his  prime, 
Like  God,  creating  through  fixed  laws  and  time, 
Must  he  not,  too,  through  each  gradation  go, 
Reaching  to  higher  passes  from  the  low  ? 

Is  not  our  life  breathed  forth  from  God's  own  breath  ? 
Once  having  lived,  can  we  in  truth  know  death  ? 
Each  soul  from  birth  until  the  final  sleep, 
Must  on  God's  own  fixed  lines  its  travel  keep. 


GOD   IN   CREATION,    IX   HISTORY    AND   IN   GOVERNMENT. 

Then,  wherefore,  with  loud  prayer  and  unctuous  face, 
To  brother  say :  "  Ye  run  a  foolish  race 
To  the  abyss."    For  how  shall  any  know 
Whither  God's  ministry  shall  make  us  go  ? 

Doubt  ye  the  power  that  governs  everything 
That  lovely  earth  from  chaos  forth  did  bring  ? 
Canst  mark  the  line  where  ceases  God's  command 
From  work  that's  done  by  man's  own  shaping  hand  ? 

Forever,  no  !    For  man  is  but  effect 
Of  causes  which  the  Father  doth  direct ; 
Each  act  and  thought  and  movement  of  his  soul 
Hath  source  in  God,  the  Infinite  and  Whole. 

From  earthly  things  man  must  his  body  feed  ; 
But  doth  not  soul  from  Heaven  its  nurture  need  ? 
His  earthly  frame  bound  earthward  by  fixed  laws, 
Doth  not  the  soul  yearn  for  a  heavenly  cause  ? 

Brothers  to  brothers  linked,  and  each  to  all, 
Live  we  one  life  on  this  terrestrial  ball ; 
One  life  of  those  who  live  and  those  who  die, 
Of  those  whom  sight  knows  a  id  whom  memory. 

Those  elder  brothers  on  that  farther  shore, 
Risen  higher  than  we  in  wisdom  and  in  loie, 
Send  messages  of  knowledge  and  of  love  ; 
But  know  we  well  that  these  come  from  above  ! 

For  angels'  wisdom  to  the  earth  descends, 
And  each  fresh  hour  some  bright,  fresh  wisdom  sends ; 
Each  day  some  wonder  of  new  lore  displayed, 
Each  year  man's  mind  with  triumph  new  arrayed. 

Can  mouldering  relics,  or  can  fossiled  creeds, 
Provide  the  quickening  age  her  mighty  needs  ? 
Can  codes,  half  dead,  framed  in  days  long  gone  by, 
The  soul's  new  wants,  so  manifold,  supply? 

New  palaces  of  Science,  Faith  and  Truth, 
Tower  o'er  the  humble  dwellings  of  our  youth. 
Shall  rule  and  State,  then,  in  their  old  ways  stand, 
Denying  Progress  her  supreme  demand  ? 

Yet  stand  they  do,  and  with  contemptuous  pride, 
Fling  Reason,  Progress,  Hope  and  Faith  aside. 
Shall  the  soul's  mighty  yearnings  thus  have  end? 
As  well  with  words  think  God's  own  plans  to  bend. 


GOD   IN   CREATION,    IN   HISTORY  AND   IN   GOVERNMENT. 

Decrees  are  sealed  in  Heaven's  own  chancery, 
Proclaiming  universal  liberty. 
Rulers  and  Kings  who  will  not  hear  the  call, 
In  one  dread  hour  shall  thunder-stricken  fall. 

So  moves  the  growing  world  with  march  sublime, 
Setting  new  music  to  the  beats  of  Time  ; 
Old  things  decay,  and  new  things  ceaseless  spring, 
And  God's  own  face  is  seen  in  everything. 


CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 


AKTICLE  I. 

SEC.  I. — All  legislative  powers  herein  granted  shall  be  vested 
in  a  Congress  of  the  United  States,  which  shall  consist  of  a  Senate  and 
House  of  Representatives. 

SEC.  II. — 1.  The  House  of  Representatives  shall  be  composed  of 
members  chosen  every  second  year,  by  the  people  of  the  several 
States ;  and  the  electors  in  each  State  shall  have  the  qualifications 
requisite  for  electors  of  the  most  numerous  branch  of  the  State  Legis- 
lature. 

2.  No  person  shall  be  a  Representative  who  shall  not  have  attained 
the  age  of  twenty-five  years  and  been  seven  years  a  citizen  of  the 
United  States,  and  who  shall  not,  when  elected,  be  an  inhabitant  of  the 
State  in  which  he  shall  be  chosen. 

3.  Representatives  and  direct  taxes  shall  be  apportioned  among  the 
several  States  which  may  be  included  within  this  Union,  according  to 
their  respective  numbers,  which  shall  be  determined  by  adding  to  the 
whole  number  of  free  persons,  including  those  bound  to  service  for  a 
term  of  years,  and  excluding  Indians,  not  taxed,   three-fifths  of  all 
other  persons.       The  actual  enumeration  shall  be  made  within  three 
years  after  the  first  meeting  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  and 
within  every  subsequent  term  of  ten  }~ears  in  such  manner  as  they  shall 
by  law  direct.     The  number  of  Representatives  shall  not  exceed  one 
for  every  thirty  thousand,  but  each  State  shall  have  at  least  one  Repre- 
sentative ;  and  until  such  enumeration  shall  be  made  the  State  of  New 
Hampshire  shall  be  entitled  to  choose  three ;    Massachusetts,  eight  • 
Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Plantations,  one ;  Connecticut,  five ;  New 
York,  six ;  New  Jersey,  four ;  Pennsylvania,  eight ;    Delaware,  one ; 


CONSTITUTION   OF   THE    UNITED   STATES.  5 

Maryland,  six ;  Virginia,  ten ;  North  Carolina,  five ;  South  Carolina 
five,  and  Georgia,  three. 

4.  When  vacancies  happen  in  the  representation  from  any  State,  the 
executive  authority  thereof  shall  issue  writs  of  election  to  fill  such 
vacancies. 

5.  The  House  of  Representatives  shall  choose  their  Speak'er  and 
other  officers,  and  shall  have  the  sole  power  of  impeachment. 

SEC.  III. — 1.  The  Senate  of  the  United  States  shall  be  composed 
two  Senators  from  each  State,  chosen  by  the  Legislature  thereof,  for 
six  years ;  and  each  Senator  shall  have  one  vote. 

2.  Immediately  after  they  shall  be  assembled  in  consequence  of  the 
first  election,  they  shall  be  divided,  as  equally  as  may  be,  into  three  classes. 
The  seats  of  the  Senators  of  the  first  class  shall  be  vacated  at  the  ex- 
piration of  the  second  year,  of  the  second  class  at  the  expiration  of  the 
fourth  year,  and  of  the  third  class  at  the  expiration  of  the  sixth  year, 
that  one-third  maybe  chosen  every  second  year;  and,  if  vacancies 
occur  by  resignation  or  otherwise,  during  the  recess  of  the  Legislature 
of  any  State,  the  Executive  thereof  may  make  temporary  appointments 
until  the  next  meeting  of  the  Legislature,  which  shall  then  fill  such 
vacancies. 

3.  No  person  shall  be  a  Senator  who  shall  not  have  attained  the 
age  of  thirty  years,  and  been  nine  years  a  citizen  of  the  United  States* 
and  who  shall  not,  when  elected,  be  an  inhabitant  of  that  State  for 
which  he  is  chosen. 

4.  The  Yice-President  of  the  United  States  shall  be  President  of 
the  Senate,  but  shall  have  no  vote  unless  they  be  equally  divided. 

5.  The  Senate  shall  choose  their  other  officers  and  also  a  President 
pro  tempore,  in  the  absence  of  the  Vice-President  or  when  he  shall  exer- 
cise the  office  of  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

6.  The  Senate  shall  have  the  sole  power  to  try  all  impeachments. 
When  sitting  for  that  purpose  they  shall  be  on  oath  or  affirmation. 
When  the  President  of  the  United   States  is  tried,  the  Chief  Justice 
shall  preside  ;  and  no  person  shall  be  convicted  without  the  concurrence 
of  two-thirds  of  the  members  present. 

7.  Judgment  in  cases  of  impeachment   shall  not  extend  farther 
than  to  removal  from  office,  and  disqualification  to  hold  and  enjoy  any 
office  of  honor,  trust  or  profit  under  the  United  States  ;  but  the  party 
convicted  shall,  nevertheless,  be  liable  and  subject  to  indictment,  trial, 
judgment  and  punishment  according  to  law. 


6  CONSTITUTION   OF   THE    UNITED   STATES. 

SEC.  IV. — 1.  The  times,  places  and  manner  of  holding  elections 
for  Senators  and  Eepresentatives  shall  be  prescribed  in  each  State,  by 
the  Legislature  thereof;  but  the  Congress  may,  at  any  time,  by  law, 
make  or  alter  such  regulation,  except  as  to  the  places  of  choosing  Sen- 
ators. 

2:  The  Congress  shall  assemble  at  least  once  in  every  year ;  and 
such  meeting  shall  be  on  the  first  Monday  in  December,  unless  they 
shall  by  law  appoint  a  different  day. 

SEC.  V. — 1.  Each  House  shall  be  judge  of  the  elections,  returns 
and  qualifications  of  its  own  members ;  and  a  majority  of  each  shall 
constitute  a  quorum  to  do  business,  but  a  smaller  number  may  adjourn 
from  day  to  day,  and  may  be  authorized  to  compel  the  attendance  of 
.  absent  members,  in  such  manner  and  under  such  penalties  as  each 
House  may  provide. 

2.  Each  House  may  determine  the  rules  of  its  proceedings,  pun- 
ish its  members  for  disorderly  behavior,  and,  with  the  concurrence  of 
two-thirds,  expel  a  member. 

3.  Each  House  shall  keep  a  journal  of  its  proceedings,  and  from 
time  to  time  publish  the  same,  excepting  such  parts  as  may,  in  their 
judgment,  require  secrecy  ;  and  the  yeas  and  nays  of  the  members  of 
either  House  on  any  question,  shall,  at  the  desire  of  one-fifth  of  those 
present,  be  entered  on  the  journal. 

4.  Neither  House,  during  the  session  of  Congress,  shall,  without 
the  consent  of  the  other,  adjourn  for  more  than  three  days,  nor  to  any 
place  than  that  in  which  the  two  Houses  shall  be  sitting. 

SEC.  VI. — 1.  The  Senators  and  Eepresentatives  shall  receive  a 
compensation  for  their  services,  to  be  ascertained  by  law,  and  paid  out 
of  the  treasury  of  the  United  States.  They  shall,  in  all  cases,  except 
f.r  treason,  felony  and  breach  of  the  peace,  be  privileged  from  arrest 
during  their  attendance  at  the  session  of  their  respective  Houses,  and  in 
going  to  or  returning  from  the  same ;  and  for  any  speech  or  debate  in 
either  House  they  shall  not  be  questioned  in  any  other  place. 

2.  No  Senator  or  Representative  shall,  during  the  time  for  which 
he  was  elected,  be  appointed  to  any  civil  office  under  the  authority  of 
the  United  States,  which  shall  have  been  created,  or  the  emoluments 
whereof  shall  have  been  increased  during  such  time  ;  and  no  person 
holding  any  office  under  the  United  States,  shall  be  a  member  of  either 
House,  during  his  continuance  in  office. 

SEC.  VII. — 1.  All  bills  for  raising  revenues  shall  originate  in  the 


CONSTITUTION"   OF   THE    UNITED   STATES.  7 

House  of  Representatives,  but  the  Senate  may  propose  or  concur  with 
amendments,  as  on  other  bills. 

2.  Every  bill  which  shall  have  passed  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives and  the  Senate,  shall,  before  it  become  a  law,  be  presented  to  the 
President  of  the  United  States ;  if  he  approves,  he  shall  sign  it ;  but 
if  not,  he  shall  return  it,  with  his  objections,  to  that  House  in  which  it 
shall  have  originated,  who  shall  enter  the  objections  at  large  on  their 
journal,  and  proceed  to  reconsider  it  If,  after  such  reconsideration, 
two-thirds  of  that  House  shall  agree  to  pass  the  bill,  it  must  be  sent, 
together  with  the  objections,  to  the  other  House,  by  which  it  shall  like- 
wise be  reconsidered,  and  if  approved  by  two-thirds  of  that  House,  it 
shall  become  a  law.  But  in  all  such  cases  the  votes  of  both  Houses 
shall  be  determined  by  yeas  and  nays  ;  and  the  names  of  the  persons 
voting  for  and  against  the  bill,  shall  be  entered  on  the  journal  of  each 
House  respectively.  If  any  bill  shall  not  be  returned  by  the  President 
within  ten  days  (Sundays  excepted)  after  it  shall  have  been  presented 
to  him,  the  same  shall  be  a  law  in  like  manner  as  if  he  had  signed  it, 
unless  the  Congress,  by  their  adjournment,  prevent  its  return  ;  in  which 
case  it  shall  not  be  a  law. 

3.  Every  order,  resolution,  or  vote,  to  which  the  concurrence  of  the 
Senate .  and  House  of  Representatives  may  be  necessary  (except  on  a 
question  of  adjournment)  shall  be  presented  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States ;  and  before  the  same  shall  take  effect,  shall  be  approved 
by  him,  or  being  disapproved  by  him,  shall  be  repassed  by  two-thirds 
of.  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  according  to  the  rules  and 
limitations  prescribed  in  the  face  of  a  bill. 

SEC.  VIII. — -The  Congress  shall  have  power — 

1.  To  lay  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  imposts  and  excises ;  to  pay 
the  debts,  and  provide  for  the  common  defence  and  general  welfare  of 
the  United  States  ;  but  all  duties,  imposts  and  excises  shall  be  uniform 
throughout  the  United  States  : 

2.  To  borrow  money  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States : 

3.  To  regulate  commerce  with  foreign  nations  and  among  the  sev- 
eral States,  and  with  the  Indian  tribes  : 

4.  To  establish  a  uniform  rule  of  naturalization,  and  uniform  laws 
on  the  subject  of  bankruptcies  throughout  the  United  States : 

5.  To  coin  money,  regulate  the  value  thereof,  and  of  foreign  coin, 
and  fix  the  standard  of  weights  and  measures : 

6.  To  provide  for  the  punishment  of  counterfeiting  the  securities 
and  current  coin  of  the  United  States : 


8  CONSTITUTION   OF   THE    UNITED   STATES. 

7.  To  establish  post-offices  and  post-roads  : 

8.  To  promote  the  progress  of  science  and  useful  arts  by  securing, 
for  limited  times,  to  authors  and  inventors,  the  exclusive  right  to  their 
respective  writings  and  discoveries  : 

9.  To  constitute  tribunals  inferior  to  the  Supreme  Court ;  to  de- 
fine and  punish  piracies  and  felonies  committed  on  the  high  seas,  and 
offences  against  the  law  of  nations  : 

10.  To  declare  war,  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  and  make 
rules  concerning  capture  on  land  and  water : 

11.  To  raise  and  support  armies ;  but  no  appropriation  of  money 
to  that  use  shall  be  for  a  longer  term  than  two  years  : 

12.  To  provide  and  maintain  a  navy : 

13.  To  make  rules  for  the  government  and  regulation  of  the  land 
and  naval  forces : 

14.  To  provide  for  calling  forth  the  militia  to  execute  the  laws  of 
the  Union,  suppress  insurrection  and  repel  invasions  : 

15.  To  provide  for  organizing,  arming  and  disciplining  the  militia, 
and  for  governing  such  part  of  them  as  may  be  employed  in  the  ser- 
vice of  the  United  States,   reserving  to   the  States  respectively,  the; 
appointment  of  the  officers,  and  the  authority  of  training  the  militia, 
according  to  the  discipline  prescribed  by  Congress. 

16.  To  exercise  exclusive  legislation,  in  all  cases  whatsoever,  over 
such  district  (not  exceeding  ten  miles  square)  as  may,  by  cession  of 
particular  States,  and  the  acceptance  of  Congress,  become  the  seat  of 
Government  of  the  United  States,  and  to  exercise  like  authority  over 
all  places  purchased  by  the  consent  of  the  Legislature  of  the  State  in 
which  the  same  shall  be,  for  the  erection  efforts,  magazines,  arsenals, 
dock -yards,  and  other  needful  buildings : — And 

17.  To  make  all  laws  which  shall  be  necessary  and  proper  for  car- 
rying into  execution  the  foregoing  powers,  and  all  other  powers  vested 
by  this  Constitution  in  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  or  in  any 
department  or  officer  thereof. 

SEC.  IX. — 1.  The  migration  or  importation  of  such  persons  as 
any  of  the  States  now  existing  shall  think  proper  to  admit,  shall  not 
be  prohibited  by  the  Congress  prior  to  the  year  one  thousand  eight 
hundred  and  eight ;  but  a  tax  or  duty  may  be  imposed  on  such  impor- 
tation not  exceeding  ten  dollars  for  each  person. 

2.  The  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  shall  not  be  suspended 
unless  when,  in  cases  of  rebellion  or  invasion,  the  public  safety  may 
require  it. 


CONSTITUTION    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES.  9 

3.  No  bill  of  attainder,  or  ex-post  facto  law,  shall  be  passed. 

4.  No  capitation,  or  other  direct  tax  shall  be  laid,  unless  in  pro- 
portion to  the  census  or  enumeration  hereinbefore  directed  to  be  taken. 

5.  No  tax  or  duty  shall  be  laid  on  articles  exported  from  any 
State.     No  preference  shall  be  given,  by  any  regulation  of  commerce 
or  revenue,  to  the  ports  of  one  State  over  those  of  another ;  nor  shall 
vessels  bound  to  or  from  one  State,  be  obliged  to  enter,  clear  or  pay 
duties  in  another. 

6.  No  money  shall  be  drawn  from  the  treasury,  but  in  consequence 
of  appropriations  made  by  law ;  and  a  regular  statement  or  account  of 
the  receipts  and  expenditures  of  all  public  money,  shall  be  published 
from  time  to  time. 

7.  No  title  of  nobility  shall  be  granted  by  the  United  States  ;  and 
no  persons  holding  any  office  of  profit  or  trust  under  them,  shall, 
without  the  consent  of  the  Congress,  accept  of  any  present,  emolument, 
office  or  title,  of  any  kind  whatever,  from  any  king,  prince,  or  foreign 
state. 

SEC.  X. — 1.  No  State  shall  enter  into  any  treaty,  alliance,  or  con- 
federation ;  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal;  coin  money;  emit 
bills  of  credit ;  make  anything  but  gold  and  silver  coin  a  tender  in 
payment  of  debts ;  pass  any  bill  of  attainder,  ex-post  facto  law,  or  law 
impairing  the  obligation  of  contracts ;  or  grant  any  title  of  nobility. 

2.  No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  Congress,  lay  any  im- 
posts or  duties  on  imports  or  exports,  excapt  what  may  be  absolutely 
necessary  for  executing  its  inspection  laws ;  and  the  net  produce  of  all 
duties  and  imposts  laid  by  any  State  on  imports  or  exports,  shall  be 
for  the  use  of  the  treasury  of  the  United  States ;  and  all  such  laws 
shall  be  subject  to  the  revision  and  control  of  the  Congress.  No  State 
shall,  without  the  consent  of  Congress,  lay  any  duty  of  tonnage,  keep 
troops  or  ships  of  war  in  time  of  peace,  enter  into  any  agreement  or 
compact  with  another  State,  or  with  a  foreign  power,  or  engage  in  war, 
unless  actually  invaded,  or  in  such  imminent  danger  as  will  not  admit 
of  delay. 

ARTICLE  II. 

SEC.  I. — 1.  The  executive  power  shall  be  vested  in  a  President  of 
the  United  States  of  America.  He  shall  hold  his  office  during  the  term 
of  four  years,  and  together  with  the  Vice-President,  chosen  for  the  same 
term,  be  elected  as  follows : 

2.  Each  State  shall  appoint,   in  such  manner  as  the  Legislature 


10  CONSTITUTION   OF   THE    UNITED   STATES. 

thereof  may  direct,  a  number  of  electors,  equal  to  the  whole  number 
of  Senators  and  Representatives  to  which  the  State  may  be  entilled  in 
Congress  ;  but  no  Senator  or  Representative,  or  person  holding  an 
office  of  trust  or  profit  under  the  United  States,  shall  be  appointed  an 
elector. 

3.  [Annulled.     See  Amendments,  Art.  XII.] 

4.  The  Congress  may  determine  the  time  of  choosing  the  elector, 
and  the  day  on  which  they  shall  give  their  votes ;  which  day  shall  be 
the  same  throughout  the  United  States.   • 

5.  No  person  except  a  natural  born  citizen,  or  a  citizen  of  the 
United  States  at  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  this  Constitution,  shall  be 
eligible  to  the  office  of  President ;  neither  shall  any  person  be  eligible 
to  that  office,  who  shall  not  have  attained  to  the  age  of  thirty-five 
years,  and  been  fourteen  years  a  resident  within  the  United  States. 

6.  In  case  of  the  removal  of  the  President  from  office,  or  of  his 
death,  resignation,  or  inability  to  discharge  the  powers  and  duties  of 
the  said  office,  the  same  shall  devolve  on  the  Yice-President ;  and  the 
Congress  may  by  law  provide  for  the  case  of  removal,  death,  resigna- 
tion, or  inability,  both  of  the  President  and  Vice-President,  declaring 
what  officer  shall   then  act  as  President,  and  such  officer  shall  act 
accordingly,  until  the  disability  be  removed,  or  a  President  shall  be 
elected. 

7.  The  President  shall  at  stated  times  receive,   for  his  services,  a 
compensation,  which  shall  neither  be  increased  nor  diminished  during 
the  period  for  which  he  shall  have  been  elected  ;  and  he  shall  not  re- 
ceive within  that  period  any  other  emolument  from  the  United  States 
or  any  of  them. 

8.  Before  he  enter  on  the  execution  of  his  office  he  shall  take  the 
following  oath  or  affirmation  : 

"  I  do  solemnly  swear  (or  affirm)  that  I  will  faithfully  execute  the 
office  of  President  of  the  United  States,  and  will,  to  the  best  of  my 
ability,  preserve,  protect  and  defend  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States." 

SEC.  II. — 1.  The  President  shall  be  Commander-in  Chief  of  the 
army  and  navy  of  the  United  States,  and  of  the  militia  of  the  several 
States  when  called  into  actual  service  of  the  United  States  ;  he  may 
require  the  opinion  in  writing  of  the  principal  officer  in  each  of  the 
executive  departments,  upon  any  subject  relating  to  the  duties  of  their 
respective  offices;  and  he  shall  have  power  to  grant  reprieves  and 


CONSTITUTION    OF   THE    UNITED    STATES.  11 

pardon  for  offences  against  the  United  States,  except  in  cases  of  im- 
peachment. 

2.  He  shall  have  power,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the 
Senate,  to  make  treaties,  provided  two-thirds  of  the  Senators  present 
concur ;  and  he  shall  nominate,  and  by  and  with  the  consent  and  advice 
of  the  Senate,  shall  appoint  ambassadors,  other  public  ministers,  and 
consuls,  judges  of  the  Supremo  Court,  and  all  other  officers  of  the 
United  States,  whose  appointments  are  not  herein  otherwise  provided 
for,  and  which  shall  be  established  by  law.     But  the  Congress  may,  by 
law,  vest  the  appointment  of  such  inferior  officers  as  they  think  proper, 
in  the  President  alone,  in  the  courts  of  law,  or  in  the  heads  of  de- 
partments. 

3.  The  President  shall  have  power  to  fill  up  all  vacancies  that 
may  happen  during  the  recess  of  the  Senate,  by  granting  commissions 
which  shall  expire  at  the  end  of  their  next  session. 

SEC.  ILL — He  shall,  from  time  to  time,  give  to  the  Congress  in- 
formation of  the  State  of  the  Union,  and  recommend  to  their  consider- 
ation such  measures  as  he  shall  judge  necessary  and  expedient ;  he 
may,  on  extraordinary  occasions,  convene  both  Houses,  or  either  of 
them,  and  in  case  of  disagreement  between  them,  with  respect  to  the 
time  of  adjournment,  he  may  adjourn  them  to  such  time  as  he  shall 
think  proper  ;  he  shall  receive  ambassadors  and  other  public  ministers ; 
he  shall  take  care  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  executed,  and  shall  com- 
mission all  the  officers  oF  the  United  States. 

SEC.  IV. — 1.  The  President,  Vice-President  and  all  civil  officers 
of  the  United  States  shall  be  removed  from  office  on  impeachment  for, 
and  conviction  of,  treason,  bribery  or  other  high  crimes  and  misde- 
meanors. 


SEC.  I. — 1.  The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  be  vested 
in  one  Supreme  Court,  and  in  such  inferior  courts  as  the  Congress  may, 
from  time  to  time,  ordain  and  establish.  The  judges,  both  of  the  Su- 
preme and  inferior  courts,  shall  hold  their  offices  during  good  behavior, 
and  shall,  at  stated  times,  receive  for  their  services  a  compensation, 
which  shall  not  be  diminished  during  their  continuance  in  office. 

SEC.  II. — 1.  The  judicial  power  shall  extend  to  all  cases  in  law 
and  equity  arising  under  this  Constitution,  the  laws  of  ths  United 
States,  and  treaties  ma'de,  or  which  shall  be  made,  under  their  authority ; 


12  CONSTITUTION    OF   THE    UNITED   STATES. 

to  all  cases  affecting  ambassadors,  other  public  ministers  and  consuls  ; 
to  all  cases  of  admiralty  and  maritime  jurisdiction  ;  to  controversies  to 
which  the  United  States  shall  -be  a  party ;  to  controversies  between 
two  or  more  States,  between  a  State  and  citizens  of  another  State,  be- 
tween citizens  of  different  States,  between  citizens  of  the  same  State 
claiming  lands  under  grants  of  different  States,  and  between  a  State  or 
the  citizens  thereof,  and  foreign  States,  citizens  or  subjects. 

2.  In  all  cases  affecting  ambassadors,  other  public  ministers  and 
consuls,  and  those  in  which  a  State  shall  be  a  party,  the  Supreme  Court 
shall  have  original  jurisdiction.      In  all  the  other  cases  before  men- 
tioned, the  Supreme  Court  shall  have  appellate  jurisdiction,  both  as  to 
law  and  fact,  with  such  exceptions  and  under  such  regulations  as  the 
Congress  may  make. 

3.  The  trial  of  all  crimes,  except  in  cases  of  impeachment,  shall  be 
by  jury ;  and  such  trial  shall  be  held  in  the  State  where  the  said  crimes 
shall  have  been  committed ;  but  when  not  committed  within  any  State, 
the  trial  shall  be  at  such  place  or  places  as  the  Congress  may  by  law 
have  directed. 

SEC.  II. — 1.  Treason  against  the  United  States  shall  consist  only 
in  levying  war  against  them,  or  in  adhering  to  their  enemies,  giving 
them  aid  and  comfort  No  person  shall  be  convicted  of  treason  unless 
on  the  testimony  of  two  witnesses  to  the  same  overt  act,  or  on  confes- 
sion in  open  court. 

2.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  declare  the  punishment  o  f 
treason  ;  but  no  attainder  of  treason  shall  work  corruption  of  blood,  or 
forfeiture,  except  during  the  life  of  the  person  attainted. 

ARTICLE  IV. 

SEC.  I. — 1.  Fjill  faith  and  credit  shall  be  given,  in  each  State,  to 
the  public  acts,  records  and  judicial  proceedings  of  every  other  State. 
And  the  Congress  may,  by  general  laws,  prescribe  the  manner  in  which 
such  acts,  records  and  proceeding,  shall  be  proved,  and  the  effect 
thereof. 

SEC.  II. — 1.  THE  CITIZENS  OF  EACH  STATE  SHALL  BE  ENTITLED  TO 

ALL  PRIVILEGES  AND  IMMUNITIES  OF  CITIZENS  IN  THE  SEVERAL 
STATES. 

2.  A  person  charged  in  any  State  with  treason,  felony  or  other 
crime,  who  shall  flee  from  justice,  and  be  found  vin  another  State,  shall, 
on  demand  of  the  executive  authority  of  the  State  from  which  he  fled, 


•    CONSTITUTION   OF   THE    UNITED   STATES.  13 

be  delivered  up  to  be  removed  to  the  State  having  jurisdiction  of  the 
crime. 

3.  No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State,  under  the  laws 
thereof,  escaping  into  another,  shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or  regu- 
lation therein,  be  discharged  from  such  service  or  labor;  but  shall  be 
delivered  up,  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such  service  or  labor  may 
be  due. 

SEC.  III. — 1.  New  States  may  be  admitted  by  the  Congress  into  this 
Union ;  but  no  new  State  shall  be  formed  or  erected  within  the  juris 
diction  of  any  other  State,  nor  any  State  be  formed  by  the  junction  of 
two  or  more  States,  or  parts  of  States,  without  the  consent  of  the 
Legislature  of  the  States  concerned,  as  well  as  of  the  Congress. 

2.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  dispose  of  and  make  all 
needful  rules  and  regulations  respecting  the  territory  or  other  property 
belonging  to  the  United  States ;  and  nothing  in  this  Constitution  shall 
be  so  construed  as  to  prejudice  any  claims  of  the  United  States  or  of 
any  particular  State. 

SEC.  IY. — THE  UNITED  STATES  SHALL  GUARANTEE  TO  EVERY 
STATE  IN  THIS  UNION  A  REPUBLICAN  FORM  OF  GOVERNMENT,  AND 
SHALL  PROTECT  EACH  OF  THEM  AGAINST  INVASION  ;  AND,  ON  APPLI- 
CATION OF  THE  LEGISLATURE,  OR  OF  THE  EXECUTIVE  (WHEN  THE 
LEGISLATURE  CANNOT  BE  CONVENED),  AGAINST  DOMESTIC  VIOLENCE. 


AETICLE  V. 

The  Congress,  whenever  two-thirds  of  both  Houses  shall  deem  it 
necessary,  shall  propose  amendments  to  this  Constitution ;  or,  on  the 
application  of  the  Legislatures  of  two-thirds  of  the  several  States,  shall 
call  a  convention  for  proposing  amendments,  which,  in  either  case, 
shall  be  valid  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  part  of  this  Constitution, 
when  ratified  by  the  Legislatures  of  three-fourths  thereof,  as  the  one 
or  the  other  mode  of  ratification  may  be  proposed  by  Congress ;  pro- 
vided that  no  amendment  which  may  be  made  prior  to  the  year  one 
thousand  eight  hundred  and  eight,  shall,  in  any  manner,  affect  the  first 
and  fourth  clauses  in  the  ninth  section  of  the  first  article ;  AND  THAT 
NO  STATE,  WITHOUT  ITS  CONSENT,  SHALL  BE  DEPRIVED  OF  ITS  EQUAL 
SUFFRAGE  IN  THE  SENATE. 


14  CONSTITUTION   OF   THE    UNITED   STATES. 

AKT1CLE  VI. 

1.  All  debts  contracted,  and  engagements  entered  into,  before  the 
adoption   of  this  Constitution,   shall  be  as  valid  against  the  United 
States  under  this  Constitution,  as  under  the  Confederation. 

2.  This  Constitution,  and  the  laws  of  the  United  States  which  shall 
be  made  in  pursuance  thereof,  and  all  treaties  made,  or  which  shall  be 
made  under  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  the  supreme 
law  of  the  land  ;  and  the  judges  in  every  State  shall  be  bound  thereby ; 
anything  in  the  Constitution  or  laws  of  any  State  to  the  contrary  not- 
withstanding. 

3.  The  Senators  and  Representatives  before  mentioned,  and  the 
members  of  the  several  State  Legislatures,  and  executive  and  judicial 
officers  both  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  several  States,  shall  be 
bound  by  oath  or  affirmation  to  support  this  Constitution  ;  but  no  re- 
ligious test  shall  ever  be  required  as  a  qualification  to  any  office,  or 
public  trust,  under  the  United  States. 

ARTICLE  VIL 

The  ratification  of  the  convention  of  nine  States  shall  be  sufficient 
for  the  establishment  of  this  Constitution  between  the  States  so  ratify- 
ing the  same. 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON,  President 

WILLIAM  JACKSON,  Secretary. 


AMENDMENTS   TO    THE   CONSTITUTION. 


ARTICLE   L 

Congress  shall  make  no  law  respecting  an  establishment  of  reli- 
gion, or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise  thereof ;  or  abridging  the  freedom 
of  speech,  or  of  the  press ;  or  the  right  of  the  people  peaceably  to  as- 
semble and  to  petition  the  Government  for  a  redress  of  grievances. 


CONSTITUTION   OF   THE    UNITED   STATES.  15 

AETICLE  II. 

A  well  regulated  militia  being  necessary  to  the  security  of  a  free 
State,  the  right  of  the  people  to  keep  and  bear  arms  shall  not  be  in- 
fringed. 

ARTICLE  III. 

No  soldier  shall,  in  time  of  peace,  be  quartered  in  any  house  with- 
out the  consent  of  the  owner ;  nor  in  time  of  war,  but  in  a  manner  to- 
be  prescribed  by  law. 

ARTICLE  IV. 

The  right  of  the  people  to  be  secure  m  tneir  persons,  houses,  papers 
and  effects,  against  unreasonable  searches  and  seizures,  shall  not  be 
violated ;  and  no  warrant  shall  issue  but  upon  probable  cause,  sup- 
ported by  oath  or  affirmation,  and  particularly  describing  the  place  to- 
be  searched,  and  the  persons  or  things  to  be  seized. 

ARTICLE  Y. 

No  person  shall  be  held  to  answer  for  a  capital  or  otherwise  infa- 
mous crime,  unless  on  a  presentment  or  indictment  of  a  grand  jury,, 
except  in  cases  arising  in  the  land  or  naval  forces,  or  in  the  militia, 
when  in  actual  service,  in  time  of  war  or  public  danger ;  nor  shall  any 
person  be  subject,  for  the  same  offence,  to  be  twice  put  in  jeopardy  of 
life  or  limb ;  nor  shall  he  be  compelled,  in  any  criminal  case,  to  be  a 
witness  against  himself,  nor  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty  or  property 
without  due  process  of  law ;  nor  shall  private  property  be  taken  for 
public  use  without  just  compensation. 

ARTICLE  VI. 

In  all  criminal  prosecutions  the  accused  shall  enjoy  the  right  to  a. 
speedy  and  public  trial  by  an  impartial  jury  of  the  State  and  district 
wherein  the  crime  shall  have  been  committed,  which  district  shall  have 
been  previously  ascertained  by  law,  and  to  be  informed  of  the  nature 
and  cause  of  the  accusation;  to  be  confronted  with  the  witnesses 
against  him ;  to  have  compulsory  process  for  obtaining  witnesses  in 
his  favor,  and  to  have  the  assistance  of  counsel  for  the  defence. 


16  CONSTITUTION   OF   THE    UNITED   STATES. 

ARTICLE  VII 

In  suits  at  common  law,  where  the  value  in  controversy  shall  ex- 
ceed twenty  dollars,  the  right  of  trial  by  jury  shall  be  preserved;  and 
no  fact  tried  by  a  j  tiry  shall  be  otherwise  re-examined  in  any  court  of 
the  United  States  than  according  to  the  rules  of  the  common  law. 

ARTICLE  VIII. 

Excessive  bail  shall  not  be  required,  nor  excessive  fines  imposed, 

nor  cruel  and  unusual  punishments  inflicted. 

- 

ARTICLE  IX. 

The  enumeration  in  the  Constitution  of  certain  rights  shall  not  be 
construed  to  deny  or  disparage  others  retained  by  the  people. 

ARTICLE  X. 

The  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the  Constitu- 
tion, nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the  States,  are  reserved  to  the  States 
respectively,  or  to  the  people. 

ARTICLE  XI. 

The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  not  be  construed 
to  extend  to  any  suit  in  law  or  equity  commenced  or  prosecuted  against 
one  of  the  United  States  by  citizens  of  another  State,  or  by  citizens  or 
subjects  of  any  foreign  State. 

ARTICLE  XIL 

1.  The  electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  States,  and  vote  by 
ballot  for  President  and  Vice-President,  one  of  whom,  at  least,  shall 
not  be  an  inhabitant  of  the  same  State  with  themselves  ;  they  shall 
name  in  .their  ballots  the  person  voted  for  as  President,  and  in  distinct 
ballots  the  person  voted  for  as  Vice-President ;  and  they  shall  make 
distinct  lists  of  all  persons  voted  for  as  President  and  of  all  persons 
voted  for  as  Vice-President,  and  of  the  number  of  votes  for  each,  which 
list  they  shall  sign  and  certify,  and  transmit  sealed  to  the  seat  of  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States,  directed  to  the  President  of  the  Senate  ; 
the  President  of  the  Senate  shall,  in  the  presence  of  the  Senate  and 
House  of  Representatives,  open  all  the  certificates,  and  the  votes  shall 
then  be  counted ;  the  person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  for 


CONSTITUTION   OF  THE    UNITED   STATES.  17 

President  shall  be  the  President,  if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the 
whole  number  of  electors  appointed ;  and  if  no  one  has  such  majority, 
then,  from  the  persons  having  the  highest  numbers,  not  exceeding  three, 
on  the  list  of  those  voted  for  as  President,  the  House  of  Representatives 
shall  choose  immediately,  by  ballot,  the  President.  But  in  choosing 
the  President,  the  votes  shall  be  taken  by  States,  the  representation 
from  each  State  having  one  vote  ;  a  quorum  for  this  purpose  shall  con- 
sist of  a  member  or  members  from  two -thirds  of  the  States,  and  a  ma- 
jority of  all  the  States  shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice.  And  if  the 
House  of  Representatives  shall  not  choose  a  President,  whenever  the 
right  of  choice  shall  devolve  upon  them,  before  the  fourth  day  of  March 
next  following,  then  the  Vice-President  shall  act  as  President,  as  in  the 
case  of  the  death  or  other  constitutional  disability  of  the  President. 

2.  The  person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  as  Vice-Presi- 
dent shall  be  the  Vice-President,  if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the 
whole  number  of  electors  appointed ;  and  if  no  person  have  a  majority, 
then,  from  the  two  highest  numbers  on  the  list,  the  Senate  shall  choose 
the  Vice-President ;    a  quorum  for  the  purpose  shall  consist  of  two- 
thirds  of  the  whole  number  of  Senators,  and  a  majority  of  the  whole 
number  shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice. 

3.  But  no  person  constitutionally  ineligible  to  the  office  of  Presi- 
dent shall  be  eligible  to  that  of  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 

ARTICLE  XIII. 

If  any  citizen  of  tin  United  States  shall  accept,  claim,  receive  or 
retain  any  title  of  nobility  or  honor,  or  shall,  without  the  consent  of 
Congress,  accept  arid  retain  any  present,  pension,  office  or  emolument, 
of  any  kind  whatever,  from  any  emperor,  king,  prince  or  foreign  power, 
such  person  shall  cease  to  be  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  shall 
be  incapable  of  holding  any  office  of  trust  or  profit  under  them  or  either 
of  them. 

ARTICLE  XIV. 

1.  All  persons  born  or  naturalized  in  the  United  States,  and  sub- 
ject to  the  jurisdiction  thereof,  are  citizens  of  the  United  States  and 
of  the  State  wherein  they  reside.  No  State  shall  make  or  enforce  any 
law  which  shall  abridge  the  privileges  or  immunities  of  citizens  of  the 
United  States.  Nor  shall  any  State  deprive  any  person  of  life,  liberty 
2 


18  CONSTITUTION   OF  THE    UNITED  STATES. 

or  property  without  due  process  of  law,  nor  deny  to  any  person  within 
its  jurisdiction  the  equal  protection  of  the  laws. 

2.  Representatives  shall  be  appointed  among  the  several  States 
according  to  their  respective  numbers,  counting  the  whole  number  of 
persons  in  each  State,  excluding  Indians  not  taxed ;  but  whenever  the 
right  to  vote  at  any  election  for  electors  of  President  and  Vice-Presi- 
dent,  or  for  United  States  Representatives  in  Congress,  executive  and 
judicial  officers,  or  the  members  of  the  Legislature  thereof,  is  denied 
to  any  of  the  male  inhabitants  of  such  State,  being  twenty-one  years 
of  age  and  citizens  of  the  United  States,  or  in  any  way  abridged,  ex- 
cept for  participation  in  rebellion  or  other  crime,  the  basis  of  represen- 
tation therein  shall  be  reduced  in  the  proportion  which  the  number  of 
such  male  citizens  shall  bear  to  the  whole  number  of  male  citizens 
twenty-one  years  of  age  in  that  State. 

3.  No  person  shall  be  a  Ssnator  or  Representative  in  Congress, 
elector  of  President  or  Yice-President,  or  hold  any  office,  civil  or  mili- 
tary, under  the  United  States,  or  under  any  State,  who,  having  pre- 
viously taken  an  oath  as  member  of  Congress,  or  as  an  officer  of  the 
United  States,  or  as  a  msmber  of  any  State  Legislature,  or  as  an  execu- 
tive or  judicial  officer  of  any  State,  to  support  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  shall  have  engaged  in  insurrection  or  rebellion  against 
the  same,  or  given  aid  or  comfort  to  the  enemies  thereof;  but  Congress 
may,  by  a  vote  of  two-thirds  of  each  House,  remove  such  disability. 

4.  The  validity  of  the  public  debt  of  the  United  States,  authorized 
by  law,  including  debts  incurred  for  the  payment  of  pensions  and  boun- 
ties for  service  in  suppressing  insurrection  or  rebellion,  shall  not  be 
questioned,  but  neither  the  United  States  nor  any  State  shall  assume 
or  pay  any  debt  or  obligaiion  incurred  in  aid  of  insurrection  or  rebel- 
lion against  the  United  States,  or  claim  for  the  loss  or  emancipation  of 
any  slave,  but  all  such  debts,  obligations  and  claims  shall  be  held  ille- 
gal and  void. 

ARTICLE  XV. 

The  right  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  vote  shall  not  be 
denied  or  abridged  by  the  United  States,  or  by  any  State,  on  account 
of  race,  color  or  previous  conditions  of  servitude. 


[Revised  from  the  New  York  Herald  of  April  2, 1870.] 

FIRST   PRONUNCIAMENTO. 


The  disorganized  condition  of  parties  in  the  United  States  at  the 
present  time  affords  a  favorable  opportunity  for  a  review  of  the  politi- 
cal situation  and  for  comment  on  the  issues  which  are  likely  to  come 
up  for  settlement  in  the  Presidential  election  in  1872.  As  I  happen  to 
be  the  most  prominent  representative  of  the  only  unrepresented  class 
in  the  republic,  and  perhaps  the  most  practical  exponent  of  the  prin- 
ciples of  equality,  I  request  the  favor  of  being  permitted  to  address  the 
public  through  the  medium  of  the  Herald.  While  others  of  my  sex  de- 
voted themselves  to  a  crusade  against  the  laws  that  shackle  the  women 
of  the  country,  I  asserted  my  individual  independence ;  while  others 
prayed  for  the  good  time  coming,  I  worked  for  it ;  while  others  argued 
the  equality  of  woman  with  man,  I  proved  it  by  successfully  engaging 
in  business ;  while  others  sought  to  show  that  there  was  no  valid 
reason  why  women  should  be  treated,  socially  and  politically,  as 
being  inferior  to  man,  I  boldly  entered  the  arena  of  politics  and 
business  and  exercised  the  rights  I  already  possessed.  I  therefore 
claim  the  right  to  speak  for  the  unenfranchised  women  of  the  country, 
and  believing  as  I  do  that  the  prejudices  which  still  exist  in  the  popular 
mind  against  women  in  public  life  will  soon  disappear,  I  now  announce 
myself  as  candidate  for  the  Presidency. 

I  am  quite  well  aware  that  in  assuming  this  position  I  shall  evoke 
more  ridicule  than  enthusiasm  at  the  outset  But  this  is  an  epoch 
of  sudden  changes  and  startling  surprises.  What  may  appear  absurd 
to-day  will  assume  a  serious  aspect  to-morrow.  I  am  content  to  wait 
until  my  claim  for  recognition  as  a  candidate  shall  receive  the  calm 
consideration  of  the  press  and  the  public.  The  blacks  were  cattle 
in  1860 ;  a  negro  now  sits  in  Jeff  Davis'  seat  in  the  United  States 
Senate.  The  sentiment  of  the  country  was,  even  in  1863,  against  negro 


20  FIRST   PRONUNCIAMENTO. 

suffrage  ;  now  the  negro's  right  to  vote  is  acknowledged  by  the  consti- 
tution of  the  United  States.  Let  those,  therefore,  who  ridiculed  the 
negro's  claim  to  exercise  the  right  to  "  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of 
happiness,"  and  who  lived  to  see  him  vote  aud  hold  high  public  office, 
ridicule  the  aspirations  of  the  women  of  the  country  for  complete 
political  equality  as  much  as  they  please.  They  cannot  roll  back  the 
rising  tide  of  reform.  The  world  moves. 

That  great  Governmental  changes  were  to  follow  the  enfranchise- 
ment of  the  negro  I  have  long  foreseen.  While  the  curse  of 
slavery  covered  the  land  progress  was  enchained,  but  when  it  was 
swept  away  in  the  torrent  of  war,  the  voice  of  justice  was  heard, 
and  it  became  evident  that  the  last  weak  barrier  against  complete 
political  and  social  equality  must  soon  give  way.  All  that  has 
been  said  and  written  hitherto,  in  support  of  equality  for  women  has  had 
its  proper  effect  on  the  public  mind,  just  as  the  anti-slavery  speeches 
before  secession  were  effective ;  but  a  candidate  and  a  policy  are  re- 
quired to  prove  it  Lincoln's  election  showed  the  strength  of  the  feel- 
ing against  the  peculiar  institution ;  my  candidacy  for  the  Presidency 
will,  I  confidently  expect,  develop  the  fact  that  the  principles  of  equal 
rights  for  all  have  taken  deep  root  The  advocates  of  political 
equality  for  women  have,  besides  a  respectable  known  strength,  a 
great  undercurrent  of  unexpressed  power,  which  is  only  awaiting 
a  fit  opportunity  to  show  itself.  By  the  general  and  decided  test  I 
propose,  we  shall  be  able  to  understand  the  woman  question  aright, 
or  at  least  have  done  much  toward  presenting  the  issue  involved 
in  proper  shape.  I  claim  to  possess  the  strength  and  courage  to  be 
the  subject  of  that  test,  and  look  forward  confidently,  to  a  triumphant 
issue  of  the  canvass. 

The  present  position  of  political  parties  is  anomalous.  They  are 
not  inspired  by  any  great  principles  of  policy  or  economy.  Political 
preachers  paw  the  air ;  there  is  no  live  issue  up  for-  discussion.  The 
only  seemingly  distinctive  feature  upon  which  a  complete  and  well- 
defined  diversion  exists,  is  on  the  dead  issue  of  negro  equality,  and 
this  is  to  the  political  leaders  a  harp  of  a  thousand  strings. 

The  minor  questions  of  the  hour  do  not  affect  parties  as  such, 
and  no  well-defined  division  of  sentiment  exists.  A  great  national 
question  is  wanted,  to  prevent  a  descent  into  pure  sectionalism.  That 
question  exists  in  the  issue,  whether  woman  shall  remain  sunk  below 
the  right  granted  to  the  negro,  or  be  elevated  to  all  the  political 
rights  enjoyed  by  man.  The  simple  issue  whether  woman  should 


FIRST   PRONUNCIAMENTO.  21 

not  have  this  complete  political  equality  with  the  negro  is  the  only 
one  to  be  tried,  and  none  more  important  is  likely  to  arise  before  the 
Presidential  election.  But  besides  the  question  of  equality  others  of 
great  magnitude  are  necessarily  included.  The  platform  that  is  to 
succeed  in  the  coming  election  must  enunciate  the  general  principles 
of  enlightened  justice  and  economy. 

A  complete  reform  in  our  system  of  prison  discipline,  having 
specially  in  view  the  welfare  of  the  families  of  criminals,  whose  labor 
should  not  be  lost  to  them;  the  rearrangement  of  the  system  and  control 
of  internal  improvements  ;  the  adoption  of  some  better  means  for  caring 
for  the  helpless  and  indigent ;  the  establishment  of  strictly  mutual 
and  reciprocal  relations  with  all  foreign  Powers  who  will  unite  to 
better  the  condition  of  the  productive  class,  and  the  adoption  of  such 
principles  as  shall  recognize  this  class  as  the  true  wealth  of  the 
country,  and  give  it  a  just  position  beside  capital,  thus  introducing  a 
practical  plan  for  universal  government  upon  the  most  enlightened 
basis,  for  the  actual,  not  the  imaginary  benefit  of  mankind. 

These  important  changes  can  only  be  expected  to  follow  a  com- 
plete departure  from  the  beaten  tracks  of  political  parties  and  their 
machinery  ;  and  this,  I  believe  my  canvass  of  1872  will  effect. 

That  the  people  are  sick  of  the  present  administration  and  the  prin- 
ciples it  professes  to  sustain,  is  a  proposition,  I  think,  that  does  not 
require  to  be  argued ;  but  as  I  have  now  taken  a  decided  stand  against 
its  continuance  for  another  term  of  four  years,  and  offered  myself  as  a 
candidate  for  the  Presidential  succession,  a  few  preliminary  observa- 
tions on  the  general  management  of  our  home  and  foreign  policy  will 
not  be  out  of  place.  The  present  administration  lias  been  a  failure  from 
the  beginning ;  weak,  vacillating  and  deficient  in  moral  courage,  it 
commands  neither  the  respect  nor  admiration  of  foreign  Powers  nor 
receives  the  active  support  of  its  party.  The  general  management  of  our 
foreign  and  domestic  affairs  does  not  seem  to  have  risen  to  the  dignity 
of  a  policy  ;  though  it  be  allowed  to  have  been  consistent  in  its  various 
parts,  it  has  been  destitute  of  that  decision  and  firmness  which  charac- 
terized the  victorious  soldier  who  is  now  President. 

A  decided  Cuban  policy  would  not  only  have  settled  at  once 
the  inevitable  destiny  of  that  island,  but  would  also  have  given 
republican  sentiment  in  Spain  an  impetus,  strengthened  the  South 
American  republics  and  exercised  a  healthy  influence  in  Mexico  and 
Canada.  But  instead  of  this  we  have  to  submit  to  the  consequences 
of  a  policy  of  cowardice.  American  citizens  abroad  are  murdered  by 


22  FIRST   PRONUNCIAMENTO. 

Spanish  cut-throats,  our  consuls  are  insulted,  and  our  flag  is  disgraced. 
This  is  unworthy  of  the  American  nation,  and  the  people  will  hold  Grant 
accountable.  A  giant  who  never  shows  his  strength  is  neither  feared 
nor  respected.  On  the  important  questions  of  taxation,  the  tariff  and 
the  public  debt,  the  administration  seems  to  have  no  settled  policy. 
Taxation,  whether  for  the  support  of  the  Government  or  the  payment  of 
the  debt,  should  in  all  cases  be  general  and  never  special.  No  special 
interest,  nor  several  special  interests,  should  be  singled  out  to  sustain 
an  extra  proportion  of  taxation.  And  in  regard  to  the  tariff  the  same 
principle  should  be  enforced.  Whether  the  public  debt  be  a  blessing 
or  a  curse,  it  exists.  Created  to  save  the  republic,  it  must  be  paid 
strictly  according  to  both  the  spirit  and  the  letter  of  the  law.  But 
there  is  no  immediate  necessity  for  paying  it  off.  By  a.  proper  policy 
its  payment  might  be  made  to  extend  through  a  hundred  years,  for 
even  beyond  that  time  will  the  benefits  its  creation  produced  be  felt 
and  appreciated.  In  older  countries  the  pressure  of  national 'debt  be- 
comes a  heavier  charge  and  a  mightier  burden  every  succeeding  yearr 
but  with  us  this  is  reversed.  The  development  of  our  magnificent  re- 
sources will  render  the  gradual  payment  of  our  indebtedness  easier 
of  accomplishment  with  each  decade  of  time. 

All  other  questions,  whether  of  a  foreign  or  domestic  nature,  stand 
illustrated  by  the  Cuban  policy  of  the  administration.  A  bold,  firm, 
and,  withal,  consistent  national  policy,  if  not  at  all  times  strictly  within 
the  conservative  limits  of  international  law,  will  always  command  the 
respect  and  support  of  the  people. 

With  the  view  of  spreading  to  the  people  ideas  which  hitherto- 
have  not  been  placed  before  them,  and  which  they  may,  by  reflection, 
carefully  amplify  for  their  own  benefit,  I  have  written  several  papers  on 
Governmental  questions  of  importance  and  will  submit  them  in  due 
order.  For  the  present  the  foregoing  must  suffice.  I  anticipate  criticism  ; 
but  however  unfavorable  the  comment  this  letter  may  evoke  I  trust  that 
my  sincerity  will  not  be  called  in  question.  I  have  deliberately  and  of 
my  own  accord  placed  myself  before  the  people  as  a  candidate  for  the 
Presidency  of  the  United  States,  and  having  the  means,  courage,  energy 
and  strength  necessary  for  the  race,  intend  to  contest  it  to  the  close. 

VICTORIA  C.  WOODHULL. 


A  TIEW  OF  THE  GENEKAL  SITUATION. 


NEW  YORK,  November  10,  1870. 

In  national  as  well  as  in  individual  affairs,  it  is  well  to  occasionally 
take  an  exact  account  of  the  situation  in  which  we  are  ;  to  balance  "our 
general  books,"  to  see  whether  the  balance  is  to  the  "  debit  or  credit  " 
or  "profit  and  loss,"  and  to  decide  from  the  results  obtained  whether 
satisfactory  progress  has  been  made.  As  nothing  more  than  "  a  journal " 
of  such  affairs  as  we  shall  take  into  the  account  has  been  kept,  it  will 
be  our  duty  to  "post  "  these  affairs  into  a  new  "  ledger  "  from  existing 
"journals,"  and  also  to  enter  up  the  new  balances  which  we  may  find 
standing  to  the  several  accounts. 

At  no  time  since  the  close,  of  the  Revolutionary  War  has  there 
been  a  time  more  fitting  and  inviting  for  such  a  work.  The  whole 
world  is  in  a  ferment,  which  was  begun  by  the  terrific  strife  into 
which  the  course  of  events  forced  us,  and  from  which  we  have  just 
emerged  through  the  reconstruction  of  an  almost  demolished  Govern- 
mental structure.  Not  all  of  the  legitimate  results  of  that  strife  are 
even  yet  externally  apparent,  either  in  our  own  country  or  in  the  world 
at  large.  There  are  various  undercurrents,  eddies  and  outcroppings 
which  have  never  been  taken  into  any  consideration ;  but  when  con- 
sidered, the  destiny  of  this  country,  so  long  foreshadowed,  but  which 
was  pretty  nearly  eclipsed,  shines  forth  more  clearly  brilliant  than  ever 
before. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  arguments  favorable  for  the  contin- 
uance of  the  institution  of  slavery,  the  destruction  of  it  has  rendered 
them  nugatory,  and  but  few  of  those  who  once  used  them  could  now 
be  found  to  favor  its  resurrection.  The  atmosphere  is  cleared  of  the 


2-i  A  VIEW   OF   THE   GENERAL   SITUATION. 

cloud  it  was  draped  with,  under  its  influence,  and  the  radiant  sun  of 
freedom  now  shines  for  all,  and  the  star  of  hope  our  night  was  illumined 
by  shall  now  no  more  be  dimmed  bj  the  dense  fogs  that  were  wont 
to  arise  from  its  then  already  decaying  carcass.  With  its  destruction 
the  lives  of  two  great  political  parties  passed  away,  and  left  the  people 
with  no  distinct  lines  of  demarkation.  It  is  true  that  there  bodies  still 
exist,  but  the  process  of  disintegration  is  rapidly  going  on,  and  the 
stench  of  their  decay  fills  the  nostrils  of  all  whose  senses  are  rendered 
acute  by  the  intensifying  power  of  intuitive  perception. 

Creation  is  from  one  point  toward  one  purpose,  the  extremes  of 
which  course,  are  beyond  the  comprehensoin  of  human  ken.  Any  fact 
in  the  line  of  its  progress  may  be  considered,  and  the-  relations  it  bears 
to  contemporaneous  facts  determined.  A  fact  isolated  from  all  connec- 
tions loses  its  significance.  The  comparison  of  a  fact  with  other  facts 
forms  the  basis  of  all  relative  knowledge,  and  the  further  this  compari- 
son is  extended,  the  wider  the  range  of  this  knowledge  becomes  ;  while 
an  infinite  series  of  facts  constitutes  the  surn  total  of  creation. 

Hence,  to  obtain  a  substantially  correct  knowledge  of  the  present, 
the  facts  of  it  must  not  only  be  considered  as  facts  of  the  present,  but 
their  relations  to,  and  dependencies  upon  prior  facts,  out  of  which  they 
arose,  must  be  traced,  so  that  it  may  be  determined  why  they  exist. 
•It  is  not  sufficient  to  simply  assert  that  this  or  that  is  thus  or  so.  To  do  so 
carries  no  conviction  nor  prophetic  knowledge  of  what  must  be  next, 
as  a  necessary  sequence.  But  if  a  retrospective  glance  be  taken  of  the 
causes  that  produced  it,  it  is  thus  demonstrated  -why  it  is  thus.  If  the 
demonstration  is  placed  with  the  fact,  and  their  tendencies  are  examined, 
it  may  be  fair  to  conclude  that  what  they  may  next  lead  to,  may  be  in 
a  measure  predicated.  The  chief  value,  then,  of  an  intimate  knowledge 
of  the  past  is,  that  from  it  the  future  may  be  foreseen,  and  that  the  les- 
son it  teaches  may  assist  in  the  formation  of  aids  to  the  natural  order 
of  things. 

If  a  tree  or  plant  is  desired  in  a  certain  place,  for  a  certain  pur- 
pose, its  growth  is  promoted  by  all  the  means  which  experience  has 
demonstrated  will  assist.  All  other  growths  that  draw  from  the  same 
source  for  supplies,  and  thereby  diminish  its  fountain  of  supplies,  are 
destroyed  ;  the  weeds  are  uprooted,  and  if  the  natural  supplies  which  the 
earth  and  air  furnish  are  not  sufficient  for  its  demands,  that  which  is 
lacking  is  supplied.  The  same  line  of  action  should  govern  in  the  va- 
rious departments  of  nature,  and  especially  in  the  higher  departments 
of  mind. 


A   VIEW   OF   THE    GENERAL   SITUATION.  25 

There  is  another  consideration  that  should  never  be  lost  sight  of 
when  a  survey  of  the  situation  is  to  be  attempted  ;  and  this  is,  that 
while  the  facts  which  are  to  be  passed  upon  bear  special  relations  to 
their  immediate  predecessors  and  surroundings,  that  these  with  them 
bear  certain  definite,  general  relations  to  the  facts  of  all  past  time,  and 
to  those  that  will  be  in  all  future  time.  The  present  is  a  part  of  the 
common  order  of  the  universe,  extending  infinitely  backward  and  for- 
ward— a  part  of  the  line  of  evolvement,  neither  end  of  which  can  be 
compassed  by  human  mind ;  and  if  we  would  learn  well,  we  must  learn 
all  there  is  to  learn  regarding  what  we  learn. 

It  is  a  definite  and  unanswerable  proposition,  then,  that  every  na- 
tion of  which  we  have  historic  record,  was  a  result  of  pre-existing 
causes,  and  led  to  further  effects,  and  that  each  filled  and  performed  a 
part,  especially  its  own,  which  was  a  natural  and  necessary  result  of  the 
time  and  place  it  existed  in.  By  a  careful  study  of  the  rise  and  fall 
of  each  of  the  great  nations  that  have  existed  and  an  analytic  com- 
parison of  the  elements  of  strength  and  decay  that  were  prominent 
therein,  and  of  their  relations  to  each  other,  just  deductions  as  to  what 
the  present  will  lead  to,  may  be  arrived  at.  If  the  present  is  the  result 
of  the  past,  the  future  must  be  the  result  of  the  present,  and  like  it  be 
the  experiences  of  creation  in  the  process  of  evolution  from  the  infinite 
to  the  infinite. 

Government,  standing  forth  pommently  as  the  grandest  of  all 
human  conceptions  and  realizations,  has  in  all  times  been  the 
representative  of  civilization,  and  the  principal  means  of  its  diffusion. 
Bearing  this  impress  of  importance,  it  may  be  well  to  examine  the  real 
significance  of  the  term,  or  to  find  the  relations  it  sustains  to  society. 
One  fact  meets  us  wherever  we  may  search  in  the  past — the  fact 
of  government  Though  it  is  one  of  the  universal  necessities  and  ac- 
companiments of  existence,  it  is  extremely  doubtful  if  its  composition 
is  realized  to  any  considerable  extent.  Government  means  control — 
implies  power.  No  people  can  create  government  because  they  cannot 
create  power.  An  existing  power  may  be  organized  into  form  by  a 
people,  and  this  becomes  their  government.  This  power  is  not  in  the 
individuals  who  exercise  it ,  they  are  simply  its  servants.  It  is  not 
the  people  who  organize  or  consent  to  it ;  they  are  simply  represented 
by  it.  It  is  above  individuals,  and  is  independent  of  peoples,  though 
its  channels  of  operation  may  be  modified  by  individuals  and  peoples. 
Thus  come  all  governments,  while  revolutions  are  the  results  of  the 
outworking  of  principles,  through  peoples,  who  are  their  representa- 
tives. When  analyzed,  it  thus  appears  that  governments  are  independ- 


26  A   VIEW   OF   THE   GENERAL   SITUATION. 

ent  of  peoples,  and  always  exist  in  some  form  while  peoples  come  and 
pass  away. 

It  is  problematically  true,  that  China  was  the  first  nation 
that  arrived  at  a  system  of  government  at  all  removed  from  brute, 
individual  force,  and  historically  so,  that  there  always  was  a  west- 
ward tendency  to  empire.  After  China,  India ;  then  Assyria,  Egypt, 
Persia,  Greece,  Home,  general  Europe  and  America.  Each  one  of 
these  nations,  to  Home,  was  the  result  of  the  course  of  events,  begun  in 
China,  to  the  course  of  which  each  succeeding  one  added  its  experiences. 
The  progress  of  this  course  of  events  has  encircled  the  world.  It  can 
go  no  further  westward  without  crossing  the  Pacific  and  beginning 
again  in  China.  "What  is  the  significance  of  this  fact,  or  has  it  no  spe- 
cial indications  ?  It  is  evident  that  the  old  order  of  nature  has  com- 
pleted a  cycle,  and  that  a  new  order  will  be  commenced,  and  that,  the 
new  order  is  to  spring  from  this  country,  and  consequently,  that  we 
are  its  representatives.  This  is  made  doubly  plain,  w'hen  we  refer  to 
the  fact  that  Asiatic  tendencies  are  now  eastward,  and  that  John  China- 
man is  the  new  competition  our  laboring  classes  have  to  encounter. 

It  cannot  be  expected  that  the  new  order  of  events,  we,  as  a 
country  are  inagurating,  will  be  characterized  by  the  element  of  the 
old,  just  completed.  It  had  its  mission  to  perform.  It  accomplished 
it,  and  has  passed  away.  Its  fruit  is  our  Government  and  the  civiliza- 
tion of  the  present.  A  new  mission  begins.  Are  there  any  sources 
from  which  its  character  may  be  predicated  ?  Though  the  creation  has 
completed  another  cycle  of  progressive  development,  the  common 
course  of  nature  never  stops.  Therefore  the  same  common  order  pre- 
vails now,  that  did  when  the  planes  of  Iran  poured  forth  its  people 
westward. 

One  of  the  principal  features  of  natural  events  has  been  a  tendency 
on  the  part  of  all  great  nations  to  acquire  universal  dominion.  Each 
in  turn  attempted  it  and  failed,  because  of  the  imperfectly  developed 
form  of  the  government  they  sought  to  control  by.  What  are  the  evi- 
dences that  all  future  forms  may  not  fail  from  similar  causes,  or  spe- 
cially, that  the  form  we  represent  will  not  fail  ? 

The  first  and  most  important  evidence  is,  that  in  its  organic  prin. 
ciples  the  Brotherhood  of  the  Human  Eace  is  recognized.  All  men 
are  born  free  and  equal,  does  not  mean  that  all  men  born  in  the  United 
States  are  free  and  equal,  but  that  all  men  everywhere  are.  This, 
then,  is  the  basis  idea  upon  which  our  Government  is  built ;  whether 
the  structure  is  yet  perfect  or  not  the  foundation  is,  and  can  never  be 


A   VIEW   OF   THE   GENERAL   SITUATION.  27 

overturned.  There  can  be  no  higher  proposition  upon  which  to  build  ; 
therefore  additions,  tending  to  perfectability,  must  be  made  upon  this 
foundation. 

Another  evidence  is,  that  the  world  is  becoming  Americanized : 
that  is,  the  world  is  assimilating  to  the  American  idea  of  freedom  and 
equality.  How  and  why  ?  The  vast  populations  other  countries  have 
transplanted  to  our  soil  are  in  constant  communication  with  friends 
they  left  behind,  who  thus  catch  the  spirit  of  equality  and  freedom,  and 
become  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  our  institutions,  and  thus  involun- 
tarily become  like  us,  while  still  subjects  of  other  powers. 

All  nations  contribute  to  our  strength,  and  by  so  doing  render  us 
not  only  peculiarly  American  in  character,  but  cosmopolitan  to  the 
world.  We  are  not  only  American,  but  European,  Asiatic  and  Afri- 
can ;  while  each  of  these  are  becoming  American.  We  are,  therefore, 
the  centre  of  attraction  for  the  world,  and  the  world  involuntarily  recog- 
nizes our  superior  strength  by  giving  up  its  population  to  increase  it ; 
while  we  repay  it,  not  in  physical  strength,  but  with  progressive  and 
comprehensive  ideas.  In  accordance  with  these  facts,  patent  to  every 
one,  it  is  asserted,  that  The  World  is  becoming  Americanized,  and  that 
this  is  an  evidence  that  the  form  of  goverment  by  which  we  tend  to 
universal  control  is  founded  on  those  general  principles  which  give  it  that 
permanency,  which  insures  its  continuance  until  it  shall  become  uni- 
versal. 

If  the  order  of  civilization  is  observed  the  same  deduction  will  be 
arrived  at  The  material  universe  has  had  its  geologic  periods  The 
social  has  had  and  will  have  its  periods  to  correspond.  Nature  main- 
tains a  regular  and  consistent  order  everywhere.  It  is  the  degree  that 
this  order  is  understood,  by  the  general  mind,  that  constitutes  the 
sociologic  periods  of  the  world.  The  first  era  of  civilization  was  inau- 
gurated by  the  Assyrian  and  Egyptian  empires,  more  especially  the 
latter,  more  than  2000  years  B.  C. 

This  civilization  began  to  spread  in  the  barbaric  world  immedi- 
ately after  the  famous  conquests  of  Sesostris,  and  continued  during  the 
time  of  the  Persian,  Grecian  and  Roman  empires,  culminating  with  the 
downfall  of  the  latter,  and  thus  completing  the  order  of  civilization 
made  possible  by  Egypt.  Egypt  conquered  and  levied  tribute  upon 
the  barbarian.  Rome  conquered,  and  the  barbarian  became  the  Roman 
citizen.  The  present  configuration  of  Europe  rose  from  the  ruins  of 
Rome,  and  assumed  the  form  through  which  a  greater  variety  of  power 
could  operate  than  in  the  previous  era. 


28  A   VIEW   OF   THE    GENERAL   SITUATION. 

No  part  of  the  world  but  has  felt  the  mighty  modifying  influence  of 
the  civilizing  power  of  modern  Europe.  It  has  permeated  the  entire 
temperate  zone,  penetrated  the  frozen  latitudes  north  and  south,  and 
attacked  the  Hottentot  of  Central  Africa  and  the  Bushman  of  Australia. 
It  organized  legislation,  perfected  and  maintained  administration  and 
made  it  possible  for  all  minds  to  attain  individuality,  and  for  individuals, 
as  such,  to  rise  by  personal  merit,  even  from  the  lowest  strata  of  society. 
By  its  procreative  power  a  new  continent,  full  of  native  purity  and 
vitality,  conceived,  and  a  higher  degree  of  life  than  it  represented 
burst  upon  the  startled  world. 

In  the  first  era,  it  was  one  controlling  mind  operating  for  per- 
sonal ends  and  aggrandizement ;  in  the  second,  it  was  several,  operat- 
ing for  the  same  end  ;  in  the  third,  it  will  be  all  minds  merged  in  one 
channel,  to  operate  for  the  good  of  the  whole.  The  first  was  personal 
civilization  thrust  upon  the  barbarism  of  the  world  compelling  it  into 
servility ;  the  second  was  sectional  civilization  exerting  its  influence, 
first  upon  its  immediate  subjects,  and  through  them  upon  others 
less  advanced ;  the  third  shall  be  general  civilization,  in  which  the 
utmost  parts  of  the  earth  can  join  in  one  grand  and  common  effort 
for  mutual  advancement,  its  peoples  having  risen  to  the  recogni- 
tion of  the  greatest  of  all  human  facts — the  common  brotherhood  of 
mankind. 

From  these  general  observations  the  tendencies  in  the  order  of 
the  universe  must  be  inferred,  and  if  there  is  any  inference  possible  to 
be  drawn,  which  will  coincide  with  the  present  aspect  of  affairs,  it  is, 
that  upon  this  country  devolves  the  duty,  no  less  than  the  privilege,  of 
presenting  the  world  with  a  form  of  administrative  government  that 
shall  be  possessed  of  the  elements  of  perfection  and  duration;  and 
this  brings  us  down  to  the  consideration,  whether  this  general  indica- 
tion of  the  centuries  does  coincide  with  the  condition  in  which  the 
world  is  to-day. 

Europe  contains  but  four  positive  determining  powers:  Russia, 
Prussia,  France  and  England,  while  the  remainder  of  the  Eastern  Con- 
tinent is  unrepresented.  The  Western  Continent  contains  the  United 
States.  France  and  Prussia  have  been  the  contending  parties  for  sim- 
ple European  supremacy:  the  former  probably  also  entertaining  an 
ulterior  design  upon  Africa.  The  policy  of  England  and  Russia  is 
more  comprehensive,  and  undoubtedly  includes  the  possibility  of  a 
consolidated  Continent.  Consistent  with  this  view,  England  is  per- 
forming in  India  what  Caesar  did  in  Gaul ;  and  Russia,  in  Western 


A  VIEW   OF  THE   GENERAL   SITUATION.  29 

Asia,  what  Rome  did  in  "The  East"  They  comprehend  that  every 
nation  is  an  object  upon  which  change  is  indelibly  stamped,  and  that 
it  will  remain  so  until  some  one  of  them  shall  arrive  at  a  perfect  sys- 
tem of  government,  which  shall  be  the  pattern  for  all  government,  or 
which  shall  absorb  all  government.  These  countries  labor  under  one 
insurmountable  difficulty.  All  the  effort  they  expend  to  carry  their  pol- 
icies abroad  detracts  j  ust  so  much  from  their  actual  home  strength,  and 
they  have  no  fountain,  furnishing  supplies  to  make  good  their  expendi- 
ture, and  they  thus  expand  at  the  expense  of  vitality. 

Notwithstanding  this  great  difficulty,  Russian  supremacy  might 
be  a  consistent  conclusion,  could  the  fact  of  the  rapid  diffusion  of 
principles  antagonistic  to  monarchy  be  left  out  of  the  consideration ; 
but  considered,  as  it  necessarily  must  be,  the  legitimate  conclusion  is 
entirely  different  It  is  too  well  known  what  sentiments  lie  suppressed 
in  various  parts  of  continental  Europe — in  Poland,  Hungary,  Italy, 
France,  Germany,  Spain  and  England — to  ever  make  it  possible  that 
the  common  order  of  advancement  should  so  change  as  to  compel  the 
general  mind  from  general  freedom  toward  absolute  monarchy,  as  rep- 
resented by  Russia,  or  to  any  monarchy  represented  by  any  of  the  na- 
tions of  Europe.  The  common  course  of  events  will  not  so  change, 
but  it  will  continue  in  the  direction  of  general  freedom,  not  only  in 
Europe  but  over  the  entire  continent.  Considering  the  progress  this- 
sentiment  has  already  made  in  connection  with  events  which  are  trans- 
piring in  Europe,  it  is  not  presuming  very  much  to  say  that  it  will 
ultimately  convert  Western  and  Central  Eurooe  into  great  republics, 
represented  by  the  Latin  and  the  Teuton. 

So  much  for  the  special  situation  of  Europe  proper,  as  connected 
with  its  local  policies.  England  and  Russia  have  further  reaching  pre- 
tensions, and,  by  so  having,  their  policies  become  intermingled  with 
American  policies. 

The  processes  of  civilization  are  soon  to  receive  accelerating  pow- 
ers in  Asia.  England,  by  virtue  of  her  great  commercial  influence, 
has  already  exerted  very  considerable  modifying  effect  upon  the-  vast 
population  of  India.  China,  by  its  fickle  action  regarding  foreigners, 
resident  there,  is  claiming  the  attention  of  all  interested  countries,  in 
such  manner  as  will  undoubtedly  force  these  countries  to  use  some 
other  than  moral  suasion  to  compel  its  people  to  the  common  usages  of 
the  civilized  world.  Thus  barbarism  invites  the  elements  which  ulti- 
mately transform  it  into  general  worldly  utility. 

"With  China,  the  United  States  has  more  intimate  connection,  by 


SO  A   VIEW   OF   THE   GENERAL   SITUATION. 

reason  of  recent  scientific  progress,  and,  with  England,  will  divide  the 
honor  of  civilizing  Eastern  Asia.  American  influence,  however,  will 
"be  the  preponderant  influence,  for  the  Chinese  are  attracted  to  this 
country,  and  the  genius  of  our  institutions  cannot  fail  to  react  through 
such  as  come  here  upon  China  itself.  While  this  process  of  evolution 
is  going  on  in  Eastern  Asia,  Russia  will  be  effecting  the  same  purposes 
in  Western  Asia,  and  thus  these  three  nations  will  in  due  course  of 
time  reclaim  the  most  densely  populated  part  of  the  world  and  add  it 
to  the  sum  total  of  civilization. 

There  is  a  very  important  and  highly  suggestive  inference  to  be 
drawn  from  the  tendency  the  peoples  of  Europe  have  been  exhibiting 
during  the  past  few  years.  Italian  unity  has  been  accomplished,  and 
German  unity  is  about  to  be  accomplished.  It  is  not  to  be  supposed 
that  this  process  will  stop  short  of  further  consolidations.  Continental 
Europe  is  Latin  and  Teuton,  and  Slav,  and  this  process  cannot  well 
cease  until  these  are  united  under  their  respective  governments.  When 
this  shall  have  been  accomplished,  thrones  and  crowns  will  have  done 
their  work,  and  the  peoples  will  be  readv  to  erect  the  Latinic,  the  Teu- 
tonic, and  the  Slavonic  Republics,  three  mighty  nations  which  could 
in  peace  and  quiet  pursue  their  respective  appointments  in  the  path  of 
progress,  until  a  necessity  should  arise  for  a  still  wider  and  more  com- 
prehensive unity,  in  which,  under  one  head,  the  three  should  be  united. 
They  who  have  studied  the  general  tendencies  of  governmental  evolu- 
tion cannot  doubt  but  such  a  consummation  awaits  Continental  Europe, 
nor  that  Asia  is  destined  to  be  regenerated  as  above  shadowed  forth. 

If  such  be  the  course  events  must  take,  what  is  the  lesson  to  be 
gathered  by  that  part  of  the  world's  people  who  speak  the  English  lan- 
guage ?  The  location  of  the  countries  they  inhabit  does  not  so  readily 
point  to  unity,  but  all  their  interests  will  compel  it.  The  nations  of 
the  world  instinctively  seek  equality  of  power,  or  rather,  they  seek  to 
keep  pace  with  each  other  in  acquiring  power.  In  view  of  the  pros- 
pective union  of  the  three  dominant  races  in  Continental  Europe, 
where  shall  England  look  for  her  compensating  power,  except  it  be  in 
a  unity  of  all  peoples  speaking  the  English  Language  ? 

It  is  true  that  in  this  Western  Continent  there  is  a  new  race  being 
"buiJt  up,  in  whose  composition  all  other  races  are  destined  to  become 
blended,  and  which  will  inevitably  be  the  dominant  and  the  absorbing 
future  race  of  the  world.  However,  in  the  mean  time,  England's  only 
hope  for  the  retention  of  an  existence,  or  at  least  of  any  general  power, 
will  be  to  unite  its  peculiar  national  characteristics  to  the  younger  and 


A   VIEW   OF   THE   GENERAL   SITUATION.  31 

more  rapidly  changing  peoples  of  America  There  might  be  reasons 
without  number  adduced  in  support  of  the  suggested  course,  while 
valid  ones  against  it  cannot  be  found.  The  power  such  a  nation  would 
represent  would  be  one  that  neither  nor  all  of  the  prospective  Conti- 
nental European  countries  could  hinder  from  pursuing  its  predestined 
work  in  Asia  and  Africa,  to  which  latter  division  enterprise  is  just  be- 
ing attracted  by  the  discovery  of  immense  diamond  countries,  which 
are  first  offered  as  the  necessary  temptation  to  draw  people  to  it,  who 
shall  afterward  find  other  riches  than  precious  stones  within  its  virgin 
soil,  as  other  than  golden  wealth  has  been  found  in  California. 

Thus,  in  as  comprehensive  a  manner  as  possible,  is  presented  the 
present  general  situation  and  its  evident  tenden  cies,  which  bring  us  to 
the  special  consideration  of  the  present  condition  of  the  country,  which, 
of  all  countries,  is  destined  to  play  the  most  prominent  part  in  the  third 
order  of  civilization — the  United  States  of  America, 

We  have  just  arisen  mightier  than  ever  from  a  civil  war  which 
was  intended  by  the  world's  conservatism  to  destroy  us,  and  with  a 
population  of  forty  millions  we  step  at  once  into  the  front  ranks  of, 
and  into  the  lead  in,  the  grand  march  of  progress.  Our  Government 
is  a  nearer  approach  to  a  popular  form,  and  more  nearly  allied  to  true 
freedom  and  justice  than  any  other  in  existence.  We  have,  however, 
only  to  review  the  causes  which  led  to  the  civil  war  to  see  how  far  we 
etill  are  from  a  perfect  form. 

This  war  was  either  a  necessary  result  of  existing  causes  or  else 
it  was  a  great  national  blunder.  Many  who  recognize  no  order  or  law 
in  the  progress  of  civilization,  deny  both  these  propositions,  and  affirm 
that  the  war  was  produced  solely  by  the  personal  ambition  of  party 
leaders,  representing  the  pro  and  con.  of  the  institution  of  slavery.  If 
the  matter  is  viewed  from  the  standpoint  of  the  science  of  society, 
each  one  of  these  propositions  is  relatively  true,  but  neither  is  abso- 
lutely so.  The  war  was  the  necessary  result  of  the  growth  of  the  prin- 
ciples of  freedom  within  the  general  mind,  in  antagonism  to  special, 
local  interests,  which  evidences  that  it  did  arise  naturally,  out  of  the 
existing  conditions,  while  the  individuals  who  were  prominent  upon 
either  side  may  be  considered  as  responsible  for  precipitating  it  Those 
who  stood  by,  constituting  much  the  larger  proportion  of  the  repre- 
sentative men  of  the  nation,  and  observed  the  growth  of  the  conflict 
between  the  two  extremes,  without  stepping  in  to  control  the  situation, 
place  it  altogether  in  the  light  of  a  great  national  blunder  or  crime. 
Had  the  circumstances  been  controlled  by  this  large  third  party,  the 


32  A  VIEW   OF  THE   GENERAL   SITUATION. 

first  proposition  would  have  been  true,  and  yet  the  war  have  been  pre- 
vented. 

We  are  obliged  to  speak  relatively  of  relative  things,  and  to  con- 
sider facts,  isolated  from  the  general  sum  of  all  facts,  and  in  a  special 
sense,  and  in  this  sense  the  war  was  an  enormous  national  blunder,  and 
should  have  been  averted  by  a  bold  grasping  and  control  of  the  circum- 
stances on  the  part  of  the  Government  and  those  whose  duty  it  was  to 
have  known  what  the  result  would  be.  These  servants  of  the  people, 
to  whom  was  intrusted  the  welfare  of  the  country,  were  utterly  false 
and  faithless,  and  allowed  us  to  be  precipitated,  entirely  unprepared, 
into  a  fratricidal  war  which  cost  the  common  country  millions  of  lives 
and  billions  of  treasure. 

How  much  better  would  it  have  been  had  the  situation  been  un- 
derstood and  controlled ;  had  the  Government  shown  itself  competent 
to  meet  it ;  had  it  raised  armies  and  occupied  the  disaffected  country 
and  then  abolished  slavery,  which  it  was  finally  obliged  to  do,  but 
which  could  have  been  done  previously  without  the  sacrifice  of  life  and 
wealth.  Such  action  would  have  exhibited  the  highest  order  of  states- 
manship and  would  have  been  the  admiration  of  ages. 

This  examination  of  the  causes  which  led  to  the  war  is  made  to 
show,  that  in  our  system  of  government  as  now  administered,  there  is 
no  responsibility  anywhere,  and  if  we  drift  into  danger  and  destruc- 
tion no  one  is  accountable ;  and  also,  that  it  is  the  habitual  practice, 
to  evade  issues  which  press  for  solution,  by  dodging  along  with  small 
expedients,  hoping  the  issues  themselves  will  die  out  or  pass  away. 
This  has  been  true  of  us  as  a  government  since  corruption  first  began 
to  find  its  emissaries  among  our  legislators,  and  since,  it  has  continu- 
ally grown  more  and  more  decidedly  a  feature  of  its  administration, 
until  to-day  we  stand  a  gigantic  nation  without  giving  any  indication 
that  we  realize  our  power  or  that  we  have  any  national  policy  other 
than  to  be  quite  certain  that  we  do  not  interfere  with  any  of  the  nice 
arrangements  of  other  nations,  or  that  we  do  not  lend  struggling  free- 
dom a  sympathetic  helping  hand,  such  as  we  first  acquired  life  by. 

By  whom  are  our  legislative  halls  filled  ?  Do  we  find  any  Jeffersons, 
Jacksons,  Hamiltons,  Bentons,  Websters  or  Clays  among  them  ?  No  ( 
As  a  rule,  to  which,  however,  there  a  few  most  honorable  exceptions, 
there  are  all  small  men  with  ideas  no  more  comprehensive  than  the 
districts  or  States  they  represent,  and  who  make  the  purposes  of 
personal  gain  the  mainspring  of  all  their  actions.  What  can  such  men 


A  VIEW   OF   THE   GENERAL   SITUATION.  33 

thus  employed,  know  of  a  great  nation's  power ;  or  what  her  policy 
should  be  ? 

There  have  been  two  great  political  divisions  of  the  people  called 
Republican  and  Democratic,  the  issue  between  which,  grew  entirely  out 
of  the  slavery  question  and  its  sequel,  War  and  Reconstruction.  These 
issues  are  all  settled.  Slavery  can  never  more  be  made  a  party  issue. 
All  efforts  that  have  been  r.i.ule  to  galvanize  it  into  life  have  proved 
futile.  The  Democratic  p.iity  leaders  have  pretty  nearly  given  up  the 
issue  as  utterly  cload,  though  many  of  the  rank  and  file  still  mouth 
"the nigger."  The  Republican  party  has  absolutely  nothing  to  make 
it  hold  together  except  possession  of  place  and  power,  which  in  these 
times  of  levying  official  taxation  is  no  inconsiderable  advantage.  As 
for  issues  and  policies,  both  parties  absolutely  lack  them.  The  Demo- 
cratic and  Republican  parties  exist  to-day  in  opposition  to  each  other, 
simply  raid  solely  because  they  were  opposed  to  each  other  upon  the 
issues  now  dead.  No  live  issues  divide  them.  All  of  these  which  are 
before  the  people  find  advocates  and  opposers  in  both  ranks,  so  that  in 
reality  there  are  no  political  parties  in  existence  which  represent  any 
question  to  be  solved  or  settled.  Nothing  could  be  more  appropriate 
in  the  political  musterings  and  parades  of  either  Darty  than  that  upon 
their  banners  should  be  inscribed — 

WANTED,  A  POLICY. 

It  is  evident,  if  another  Presidential  canvass  passes  over,  that 
some  grand  issue  must  come  up  to  give  the  people  inspiration,  and 
which  will  be  of  such  character  as  to  divide  them,  not  such  as  would 
unite  them  unanimously ;  for  to  this  last  condition,  it  is  to  be  feared, 
we  have  not  yet  arrived  though  there  may  be  such  things  arise  as  will 
command  as  much  unanimity  as  Washington  commanded;  but  this 
could  not  be,  except  revolution  occurs  and  it  becomes  the  result  of  it. 

With  a  young  intelligence  such  as  we  represent,  no  old  issues  can 
be  made  to  divide  parties.  Upon  such  questions  as  have  heretofore 
been  made  the  distinguishing  features  of  political  parties,  there  should 
be  no  misunderstanding.  That  there  is,  demonstrates  that  the  princi- 
ples of  government  have  not  been  taught  to  the  people.  It  teaches 
that  party  leaders  have  built  up  theories  which  lack  the  support  of 
science  and  principle ;  and  in  this  way  all  those  issues  upon  which  the 
permanent  vitality  of  the  country  depends  have  been  put  before  the 
people,  colored  and  trimmed  to  suit  their  prejudices  and  to  shape  par- 
3 


34  A  VIEW   OF   THE   GENERAL   SITUATION. 

ties  into  opposition.  Were  all  of  these  issues  taught  to  the  people  as 
the  legitimate  deduction  of  the  science  of  government,  and  entirely 
bereft  of  partisanship,  they  would  all  work  together  for  the  obtaining 
of  more,  greater  and  better  conditions  and  privileges.  To  bring  about 
this  course  for  the  people  is  the  object  of  the  science  of  society  which 
is  just  beginning  to  be  recognized. 

There  are  but  three  principles  by  which  all  questions  should  be 
tested :  Freedom,  Equality  and  Justice ;  and  when  legislation  shall  be 
brought  to  the  test  of  these,  and  entirely  abstracted  from  partisanship, 
there  will  not  be  very  much  further  legislation  to  be  performed.  All 
questions  now  undecided,  which  still  remain  before  the  people,  such  as 
those  of  finance,  commerce,  revenue,  internal  improvements,  and  inter- 
national policy,  should  have  the  touchstone  of  these  principles  applied, 
and  they  should  be  decided  thereby.  It  should  be  asked  of  them, 
What  course  do  you  point  out  which  will  be  consistent  with  freedom, 
which  shall  not  interfere  with  equality,  and  which  shall  be  just  to 
everybody  ?  We  venture  to  assert  that,  tried  by  these  tests,  not  a  sin- 
gle line  of  policy  which  is  now  being  pursued  by  the  Government  will 
stand.  Surely  its  financial  policy  cannot ;  for  what  is  there  in  it  which 
is  consistent  with  the  constitutional  question  of  freedom?  Surely  its 
revenue,  its  tariff  system,  cannot,  for  what  is  there  in  either  which  is 
not  in  direct  antagonism  with  equality? — while  we  may  look  in  vain 
for  even  the  skeleton  of  justice  wherever  money  can  find  its  way. 

All  this  is  true,  and  very  much  more,  and  it  comes  of  the  depart- 
ure of  legislation  and  administration  from  the  fundamental  proposi- 
tions of  the  Constitution.  It  is  also  true  that  such  conditions  cannot 
last  The  people,  as  a  whole,  are  not  entirely  unregenerate,  though  so 
many  of  their  self-appointed  leaders  are.  It  only  remains  for  the  peo- 
ple to  become  fully  aroused  to  the  depths  of  corruption  to  which  legis- 
lation and  administration  have  been  carried  to  demand  and  obtain  the 
needed  redress.  This  corruption  is  not  confined  to  Government,  but  it 
has  permeated  nearly  all  corporate  organizations,  many  of  which  are 
organized  specially  to  defraud  the  productive  classes  of  their  hard- 
earned  wealth.  The  possibility  of  this  being  done  is  because  our  sys- 
tem of  finance  is  entirely  wrong,  and  nothing  will  save  the  country 
from  general  financial  and  commercial  ruin  except  complete  revolution  in 
this  system.  If  the  ruin  comes  it  will  ultimately  fall  upon  the  producing 
classes.  In  other  words,  the  producing  interests  of  the  country  cannot 
sustain  the  inflation  of  prices  which  has  been  brought  about  by  specu- 
lation, in  alliance  with  fraud,  which  are  the  ruling  spirits  of  the  day. 


A  VIEW   OF  THE   GENERAL   SITUATION".  35 

It  may  be  said  that  such  radical  changes  as  will  depose  the  powers 
which  rule  us,  and  inaugurate  the  reign  of  principles,  which  will  secure 
freedom,  equality  and  justice  to  every  power,  cannot  yet  be  introduced. 
"We  aver  that  they  can ;  and  further,  we  aver  that  unless  it  is  done, 
revolution  such  as  has  never  yet  been  known  will  inaugurate  them  for 
us.  The  whole  substrata  of  society  is  seething  and  foaming  with  pent- 
up  endurance  of  injustice  and  wrong,  and  unless  those  abuses  which 
have  produced  this  condition  are  remedied  at  once,  the  existence  of  the 
Government  cannot  be  counted  upon.  And  it  is  criminal  to  seek  to 
ignore  this  fact  We  must  not  "  lie  supinely  upon  our  backs  while  the 
enemy  binds  us  hand -and  foot,''  and  delivers  us  to  destruction. 

In  view,  then,  of  our  destiny  as  a  nation,  and  in  view  of  the  posi- 
tion which  the  order  of  events  seems  to  have  assigned  us,  we  are  called 
upon  to  put  our  Government  in  perfect  order  before  the  constructive 
part  of  the  work  of  the  third  part  of  the  order  of  civilization  is  to  be 
begun.  We  must  be  perfect  within  ourselves  before  we  can  expect  to 
become  the  pattern  for  others,  or  expect  that  others  will  gravitate  to 
us.  THE  EEVIEW  OF  THE  GENERAL  SITUATION,  then,  results  in  the 
finding*  that  the  process  of  diffusive  government  has  culminated,  and 
that  the  process  of  a  continuously  constructive  and  concentrating  gov- 
ernment has  already  been  begun,  in  which  our  Government,  as  the 
most  progressive  representative  of  the  principles  upon  which  a  perfect 
government  can  alone  exist,  is  assigned  the  leading  position,  and  that 
we,  recognizing  this  assignment,  should  proceed  to  assume  the  respon- 
sibilities and  the  duties  which  legitimately  flow  from  it ;  and  they 
are  great  in  the  same  degree  that  our  destiny  is  great. 

It  was  under  the  realization  of  what  our  destiny  should  be  that  the 
Pronunciamento  of  April  2, 1870,  in  the  New  York  Herald,  was  made  ; 
and  now,  having  offered  this  general  review,  my  Second  Pronuncia- 
mento, which  is  supplementary  to  and  the  completing  of  the  first,  is 
laid  before  the  people.  It  is  believed  that  the  policy  and  princi- 
ples underlying  it,  proclaimed  therein,  will  be  the  final  departure  ne- 
cessary to  be  made,  as  the  point  from  which  progress  will  be  continued, 
until  the  grand  realization  of  the  prophecies  of  all  ages  is  fulfilled,  when 
all  nations,  kindred  and  tongues  shall  be  united  in  one  harmonious 
family,  they  having  risen  into  the  full  knowledge  of  the  truth,  that 
whether  -we  be  Christian  or  Pagan,  Greek  or  Roman,  Atheist  or  Spirit- 
ualist, we  are  all  the  children  of  one  common  Father,  God,  whom  we 
shall  ever  worship  as  the  Creator,  Ruler  and  Final  Destiny  of  the  Uni- 
verse. 


SECOND    PROISTITiSrCIAMENTO. 


CONSTITUTIONAL  EQUALITY  THE  LOGICAL  RESULT  OF  THE  XIV.  AND 
XV.  AMENDMENTS,  WHICH  NOT  ONLY  DECLARE  WHO  ARE  CITI- 
ZENS, BUT  ALSO  DEFINE  THEIR  RIGHTS,  ONE  OF  WHICH  IS  THE 
RIGHT  TO  VOTE,  WITHOUT  REGARD  TO  SEX,  BOTH  SEXES  BEING 
INCLUDED  IN  THE  MORE  COMPREHENSIVE  PROHIBITORY  TERMS  OF 
RACE  AND  COLOR. 

THE  STATE  LAWS  WHICH  PROSCRIBED  WOMEN  AS  VOTERS  WERE  RE- 
PEALED BY  THE  STATES  WHEN  THEY  RATIFIED  SAID  AMENDMENTS 
— THERE  ARE  NO  EXISTING  OPERATIVE  LAWS  WHICH  PROSCRIBE 
THE  RIGHT  OF  ANY  CITIZEN  TO  VOTE — THE  PERFECTED  FRUITS  OF 
THE  LATE  WAR — THE  GOVERNMENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  IS 
BOUND  TO  PROTECT  ITS  CITIZENS,  MALE  AND  FEMALE,  IN  THE 
EXERCISE  OF  THEIR  RIGHT  TO  VOTE — THE  DUTY  OF  CONGRESS- 
IN  THE  PREMISES. 

The  time  has  now  arrived  when  it  becomes  proper  to  present  the 
final  and  unanswerable  proposition,  which  cannot  by  any  possibility  be 
controverted,  that  the  several  States  which,  until  recently,  assumed  and 
exercised  the  right  of  denning  which  of  its  citizens  should  exercise  the 
right  to  vote,  have  by  their  own  voluntary  act  not  only  forever  repealed 
all  such  prohibitory  laws,  but  also  have  forever  barred  their  re-enact- 
ment. 

Of  this  I  have  been  fully  aware  since  the  proclamation  by  the  Pres- 
ident that  the  XV.  Amendment  had  become  a  part  of  the  Organic  Law 
of  the  country. 

To  bring  the  whole  matter  properly  before  the  public  I  published 
an  address  on  the  2d  of  April  last,  in  which  I  announced  myself  a  can- 
didate for  the  Presidency  in  1872,  and  thus  asserted  the  right  of  woman, 
to  occupy  the  highest  office  in  the  gift  of  v  the  people. 


SECOND   PJ.OXUXCIAMENTO.  37 

After  that  address  had  had  its  legitimate  effect  in  arousing  the  press 
of  the  country  to  the  realization  that  women  are  a  constituent  part  of 
the  body  politic,  and  to  a  discussion  in  a  much  more  general  way  than 
had  ever  been  before,  I  published  my  second  address  to  the  people,. an- 
nouncing that  the  XVI.  Amendment  was  a  dead  letter,  and  that  the  Con- 
stitution fully  recognized  the  equality  of  all  citizens. 

In  this  address  the  general  bearings  of  the  Constitution  were  exam- 
ined, and  from  the  blending  of  its  various  parts  the  conclusion  was  ar- 
rived at  that  no  State  should  deny  the  right  to  vote  to  any  citizen. 

I  now  take  the  final  step,  and  show  that  the  States  themselves,  by 
their  legislative  enactments,  have  removed  the  only  obstacle  which  un- 
til then  had  prevented  women  from  voting,  and  have  forever  debarred 
themselves  from  receding  to  their  former  position.  It  is  as  follows : 

SUFFRAGE,  or  the  right  to  vote,  is  declared  by  the  XV.  Article 
of  Amen  Iments  to  the  Constitution  to  be  a  EIGHT,  not  a  privilege,  of 
citizens  of  the  United  States. 

A  right  of  a  citizen  is  inherent  in  the  individual,  of  which  he  can- 
not be  deprived  by  any  law  of  any  State. 

A  privilege  may  be  conferred  upon  the  citizen  of  the  State,  and  by 
it  may  be  taken  away.  This  distinction  is  made  to  show  that  to  vote  is 
not  a  privilege  conferred  by  a  State  upon  its  citizens,  but  a  CONSTITU- 
TIONAL RIGHT  of  every  citizen  of  the  United  States,  of  which  they  can- 
not be  deprived.  The  language  of  the  Constitution  is  most  singularly 
emphatic  upon  this  point  It  is  as  follows : 

ARTICLE  XV. 

1.  The  right  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  vote  shall  not  be  denied 
or  abridged  by  the  United  States  or  by  any  State  on  account  of  race, 
color,  or  previous  condition  of  servitude. 

It  is  thus  forever  proclaimed,  in  unmistakable  terms,  that  to  vote 
is  a  right  of  citizens  of  the  United  States. 

Were  it  an  immunity,  or  even  were  it  a  privilege,  to  votev  those 
who  possess  it  could  not  be  deprived  of  it  by  any  State,  for  the  State 
is  bound  to  protect  every  citizen  within  its  jurisdiction  in  the  exercise 
thereof.  It  being  declared  by  the  XV.  Amendment  that  citizens 
of  the  United  States  have  the  right  to  vote,  the  next  step  to  deter- 
mine is,  Who  are  citizens?  This  is  also  definitely,  though  for  the  first 
time,  determined  by  Article  XIV.  of  Amendments  to  the  Constitution, 
as  follows : 


38  SECOND   PRONUNCIAMENTO. 

AETICLE  XIV. 

1.  All  persons  born  or  naturalized  in  the  United  States,  and  sub- 
ject to  the  jurisdiction  thereof,  are  citizens  of  the  United  States  and 
of  the  State  wherein  they  reside.  No  State  shall  make  or  enforce  any 
law  which  shall  abridge  the  privileges  or  immunities  of  citizens  of  the 
United  States.  Nor  shall  any  State  deprive  any  person  of  life,  liberty  or 
property  without  due  process  of  law,  nor  deny  to  any  person  within  its 
jurisdiction  the  equal  protection  of  the  laws. 

The  next  point  of  inquiry  is,  How  is  it  that  the  State  laws  which, 
formerly  did  proscribe  women  and  exclude  them  from  the  exercise  of 
suffrage,  no  longer  do  so  ?  Simply  and  effectively  by  this  fact,  that,  by 
the  adoption  of  the  XV.  Article  of  Amendments  to  the  Constitution,, 
the  States  established,  as  the  "  SUPREME  LAW  OF  THE  LAND,"  the  fact 
that  no  person  born  or  naturalized  in  the  United  States,  and  subject  to- 
the  jurisdiction  thereof  shall  be  denied  or  abridged  by  the  United 
States,  or  by  any  State,  of  the  RIGHT  TO  VOTE. 

Women  are  citizens  of  the  United  States ;  and  the  States  themselves, 
by  their  own  voluntary  act,  have  established  the  fact  of  their  citizenship, 
and  confirmed  their  right  to  vote,  which,  by  such  action,  has  become  the 
supreme  law  of  the  land,  which  supersedes,  annuls  and  abrogates  all 
previous  State  laws  inconsistent  therewith  or  contravening  the  same. 
The  XV.  Article  of  Amendments  to  the  Constitution  is  as  much  a  part 
of  it  as  any  originally  adopted ;  for  Art  VI. ,  T  2,  says : 

This  Constitution,  and  the  laws  of  the  United  States  which  shall  be 
made  in  pursuance  thereof,  and  all  treaties  made,  or  which  shall  be 
made  under  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  THE  SUPREME 
law  of  THE  LAND  ;  and  the  judges  in  EVERY  State  shall  BE  BOUND- 
THEREBY  ;  anything  in  the  Constitution  or  laws  OF  ANY  State  TO  THE. 
CONTRARY  NOTWITHSTANDING. 

The  XV.  Amendment  was  adopted  by  the  several  States  as  a  legis- 
lative enactment  by  their  Legislatures,  under  Art.  V.,  wtiich  provides : 

The  Congress,  whenever  Iwo-thirds  of  both  Houses  shall  deem  it 
necessary,  shall  propose  amendments  to  this  Constitution  ;  or,  on  the  ap- 
plication of  the  Legislatures  of  two-thirds  of  the  several  States,  shall 
call  a  convention  for  proposing  amendments,  which,  in  either  case,  shall 
be  valid  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  part  of  this  Constitution,  when. 
ratified  by  the  Legislatures  of  three-fourths  thereof,  as  the  one  or  the  other 
mode  of  ratification  may  be  proposed  by  Congress,  provided  that  no- 
amendment  which  may  be  made  prior  to  the  year  one  thousand  eight 
hundred  and  eight,  shall,  in  any  manner,  affect  the  first  and  fourth 
clauses  in  the  ninth  section  of  the  first  article ;  AND  THAT  NO- 
STATE,  WITHOUT  ITS  CONSENT,  SHALL  BE  DEPRIVED  OF  ITS  EQUAL 
SUFFRAGE  IN  THE  SENATE. 


SECOND   PRONUNCIAMENTO.  39 

Since,  therefore,  all  citizens  have  the  RIGHT  TO  VOTE  under  this  act 
or  participation  by  the  Legislatures  of  the  several  States,  all  State  Laws 
which  abridge  the  right  are  inoperative,  null  and  void,  and  the  exclu- 
sion of  women  who  are  citizens  from  the  right  to  vote,  was  repealed 
and  must  stand  repealed  until  the  Legislatures  of  the  several  States 
shall  again  pass  an  act  positively  excluding  her.  If  we  again  examine 
Art.  XV.  we  shall  see  that  this  right  shall  not  be  denied  or  abridged  by 
the  United  States  or  any  State  on  account  of  RACE,  COLOR,  or  PREVIOUS 
CONDITION  OF  SERVITUDE  ;  it  is  left  to  be  inferred  that  it  might  be  on 
account  of  SEX,  but  this  denial  has  not  yet  been  attempted,  nor  could  it  be 
accomplished  if  it  were,  for  here  the  XIV.  Amendment  again  comes  to 
our  relief  saying,  "  That  no  State  shall  make  or  enforce  any  law  which 
shall  abridge  the  privileges  or  immunities  of  citizens  of  the  United 
States." 

Again,  the  Constitution  is  assuredly  a  contract  belween  States  and 
citizens,  and  Sec.  10,  Art  I.,  provides  that  no  State  shall  pass  any  law 
impairing  contracts. 

Art.  I.,  Sec.  4,  *[  I,  provides  that: 

"The  times,  places  and  manner  of  holding  elections  for  senators  and 
representatives  shall  be  prescribed  in  each  State,  by  the  Legislature 
thereof;  but  the  Congress  may,  at  any  time,  by  law,  make  or  alter  such 
regulations,  except  as  to  the  places  of  choosing  senators,"  while  the  judi- 
ciary of  the  United  States  has  acquired  complete  jurisdiction  over  this 
matter  by  the  authority  of  Art.  Ill,  Sec.  2,  ^  1,  which  provides  that : 
"  The  judicial  power  shall  extend  to  all  cases  in  law  and  equity  arising  under 
this  Constitution,  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  and  treaties  made,  or  which 
shall  be  made,  under  their  authority" 

And  for  all  these  reasons,  the  State  Legislatures  naving,  by  the 
adoption  of  the  Fifteenth  Amendment,  abrogated  all  previously  ex- 
isting, conflicting  laws  on  the  subject  of  suffrage,  are  now  forever 
precluded  by  the  Fourteenth  Amendment  from  re-establishing  any  re- 
striction to  apply  to  women,  whom  the  authorities  of  the  United  States, 
in  their  support  of  the  Constitution,  are  in  duty  bound  to  protect  in 
their  right  to  vote. 

Now  what  was  the  fruit  of  the  late  war,  which  threw  the  entire 
nation  into  such  convulsive  throes,  unless  it  is  found  in  the  Fourteenth 
and  Fifteenth  Amendments  to  the  Constitution,  namely :  that  grand 
change  in  the  fundamental  laws  which  declares  ivho  are  citizens  and 
what  are  their  rights,  privileges  and  immunities,  which  cannot  be 
abridged  ?  Will  any  one  pretend  that  these  great  enactments  can  be 
understood  to  mean  less  than  the  language  thereof  plainly  conveys  ? 


40  SECOND   PRONUNCIAMENTO. 

Or  will  any  one  claim  that  the  old,  absurd  State  laws,  which  were  sunk 
in  oblivion  by  the  adoption  of  these  amendments  to  the  Constitution, 
are  still  in  force?  Who  will  dare  to  say,  in  the  face  of  these  plainly 
worded  amendments,  which  have  such  an  unmistakable  meaning,  that 
the  women  of  America  shall  not  enjoy  their  emancipation  as  well  as 
the  black  slave  ? 

WOMEN  HAVE  THE  RIGHT  TO  VOTD  !  It  is  the  duty  of  the  Govern- 
ment to  see  that  they  are  not  denied  the  right  to  exercise  it,  and,  to  se- 
cure the  necessary  action  of  Congress  in  the  premises,  I  did,  on  the  21st 
day  of  December,  1870,  memorialize  Congress  as  recorded  in  the  Con- 
gressional Globe,  December  22, 1870. 

In  the  Senate : 

Mr.  Harris  presented  the  memorial  of  Victoria  C.  Woodhull,  praying 
for  the  passage  of  such  laws  as  may  be  necessary  and  proper  for  carry- 
ing into  execution  the  right  vested  by  the  Constitution  in  the  citizens  of 
the  United  States  to  vote  without  regard  to  sex ;  which  was  referred  to 
the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary  and  ordered  to  be  printed. 

In  the  House : 

Mr.  Julian — I  ask  unanimous  consent  to  present  at  this  time  and 
have  printed  in  the  Globe  the  memorial  of  Victoria  C.  Woodhull,  claim- 
ing the  right  of  suffrage  under  the  XIV.  and  XV.  Articles  of  Amend- 
ments to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  asking  for  the  enact- 
ment of  the  necessary  and  appropriate  legislation  to  guarantee  the  exer- 
cise of  that  right  to  the  women  of  the  United  States.  I  also  ask  that 
the  petition  be  referred  to  the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary. 

No  objection  was  made,  and  it  was  ordered  accordingly. 

The  petition  is  as  follows  : 

THE  MEMORIAL  OF  VICTORIA  C.  WOODHULL, 

To  the  Honorable  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United 

States  in  Congress  assembled,  respectfully  showeth  : 

That  she  was  born  in  the  State  of  Ohio,  and  is  above  the  age  of 
twenty-one  years ;  that  she  has  resided  in  the  State  of  New  York  during 
the  past  three  years ;  that  she  is  still  a  resident  thereof,  and  that  she  is 
a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  as  declared  by  the  XIV.  Article  of 
Amendments  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

That  since  the  adoption  of  the  XV.  Article  of  Amendments  to  the 
Constitution,  neither  the  State  of  New  York  nor  any  other  State,  nor 
any  Territory,  has  passed  any  law  to  abridge  the  right  of  any  citizen  of 


SECOND    PRONUNCIAMKNTO,  40 A. 

the  United  States  to  vote,  as  established  by  said  article,  neither  on  ac- 
count of  sex  or  otherwise : 

That,  nevertheless,  the  right  to  vote  is  denied  to  women  citizens  of 
the  United  States  by  the  operation  of  Election  Laws  in  the  several 
States  and  Territories,  which  laws  were  enacted  prior  to  the  adoption  of 
the  said  XV.  Article,  and  which  are  inconsistent  with  the  Constitution 
as  amended,  and,  therefore,  are  void  and  of  no  effect ;  but  which,  being 
still  enforced  by  the  said  States  and  Territories,  render  the  Constitution 
inoperative  as  regards  the  right  of  women  citizens  to  vote : 

And  whereas,  Article  VI.,  Section  2,  declares  "That  this  Constitu- 
tion, and  the  laws  of  the  United  States  which  shall  be  made  in  pursu- 
ance thereof,  and  all  treaties  made,  or  which  shall  be  made,  under  the 
authority  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  the  supreme  law  of  the  land ; 
and  all  judges  in  every  State  shall  be  bound  thereby,  anything  in  the 
Constitution  and  laws  of  any  State  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding:" 

And  whereas,  no  distinction  between  citizens  is  made  in  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States  on  account  of  sex ;  but  the  XV.  Article  of 
Amendments  to  it  provides  that  "  Nd  State  shall  make  or  enforce  any 
law  which  shall  abridge  the  privileges  and  immunities  of  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  nor  deny  to  any  person  within  its  jurisdiction  the  equal 
protection  of  the  laws :" 

And  whereas,  Congress  has  power  to  make  laws  which  shall  be  ne- 
cessary and  proper  for  carrying  into  execution  all  powers  vested  by  the 
Constitution  in  the  Government  of  the  United  States ;  and  to  make  or 
alter  all  regulations  in  relation  to  holding  elections  for  senators  or  rep- 
resentatives, and  especially  to  enforce,  by  appropriate  legislation,  the 
provisions  of  the  said  XIV.  Article : 

And  whereas,  the  continuance  of  the  enforcement  of  said  local 
election  laws,  denying  and  abridging  the  Right  of  Citizens  to  Vote  on 
account  of  sex,  is  a  grievance  to  your  memorialist  and  to  various  other 
persons,  citizens  of  the  United  States,  being  women, — 

Therefore,  your  memorialist  would  most  respectfully  petition  your 
Honorable  Bodies  to  make  such  laws  as  in  the  wisdom  of  Congress  shall 
be  necessary  and  proper  .for  carrying  into  execution  the  right  vested  by 
the  Constitution  in  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  vote,  without  re- 
gard to  sex. 

And  your  memorialist  will  ever  pray. 

VICTORIA  C.  WOODHULL. 

Dated  NEW  YORK  CITY,  December  19,  1870. 


40B  SECOND    PRONUKCIAMENTO. 

This  memorial  having  been  referred  to  the  Judiciary  Committee,  I 
then  prepared  and  submitted  the  following  legal  deductions  in  support 
thereof: 

CONSTITUTIONAL   EQUALITY. 


TO  THE  HON.  THE  JUDICIARY  COMMITTEES  OF  THE  SENATE  AND- 
THE  HOUSE  OF  EEPRESENTATIVES  OF  THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE 
UNITED  STATES  : 

The  undersigned,  VICTORIA  C.  WOODHULL,  having  most  respect- 
fully memorialized  Congress  for  the  passage  of  such  laws  as  in  its  wis- 
dom shall  seem  necessary  and  proper  to  cany  into  effect  the  rights- 
vested  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  in  the  citizens  to  vote, 
without  regard  to  sex,  begs  leave  to  submit  to  your  honorable  body  the 
following  in  favor  of  her  prayer  in  said  Memorial  which  has  been 
referred  to  your  Committee  : 

The  public  law  of  the  world  is  founded  upon  the  conceded  fact 
that  sovereignty  cannot  be  forfeited  or  renounced.  The  sovereign 
power  of  this  country  is  perpetual  in  the  politically-organized  people  of 
the  United  States,  and  can  neither  be  relinquished  nor  abandoned  by 
any  portion  of  them.  The  people  in  this  Kepublic  who  confer  sover- 
eignty are  its  citizens :  in  a  monarchy  the  people  are  the  subjects  of 
sovereignty.  All  citizens  of  a  republic  by  rightful  act  or  implication 
confer  sovereign  power.  All  people  of  a  monarchy  are  subjects  who 
exist  under  its  supreme  shield  and  enjoy  its  immunities. 

The  subject  of  a  monarch  takes  municipal  immunities  from  the 
sovereign  as  a  gracious  favor ;  but  the  woman  citizen  of  this  country  has 
the  inalienable  "  sovereign"  right  of  self-government  in  her  own  proper 
person.  Those  who  look  upon  woman's  status  by  the  dim  light  of  the 
common  Jaw,  which  unfolded  itself  under  the  feudal  and  military  insti- 
tutions that  establish  right  upon  physical  power,  cannot  find  any  anal- 
ogy in  the  status  of  the  woman  citizen  of  this  country,  where  the  broad 
sunshine  of  our  Constitution  has  enfranchised  all. 

As  sovereignty  cannot  b3  forfeited,  relinquished  or  abandoned, 
those  from  whom  it  flows — the  citizens — are  equal  in  conferring  the 
power,  and  should  be  equal  in  the  enjoyment  of  its  benefits  and  in  the 
e«cercise  of  its  rights  and  privileges. 

One  portion  of  citizens  have  no  power  to  deprive  another  portion  of 
rights  and  privileges  such  as  are  possessed  and  exercised  by  them- 


SECOND    PRONUNCIAMENTO.  400 

selves.  The  male  citizen  has  no  more  right  to  deprive  the  female  citi- 
zen of  the  free,  public,  political  expression  of  opinion  than  the  female 
citizen  has  to  deprive  the  male  citizen  thereof. 

The  sovereign  will  of  the  people  is  expressed  in  our  written  Con- 
stitution, which  is  the  supreme  law  of  the  land.  The  Constitution 
makes  no  distinction  of  sex.  The  Constitution  defines  a  woman  born 
or  naturalized  in  the  United  States,  and  subject  to  the  jurisdiction 
thereof,  to  be  a  citizen.  It  recognizes  the  right  of  citizens  to  vote.  It 
declares  that  the  right  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  vote  shall  not 
be  denied  or  abridged  by  the  United  States  or  by  any  State  on  account 
of  "race,  color  or  previous  condition  of  servitude." 

"Women,  white  and  black,  belong  to  races ;  although  to  different 
races.  A  race  of  people  comprises  all  the  people,  male  and  female. 
The  right  to  vote  cannot  be  denied  on  account  of  race.  All  people 
included  in  the  term  race  have  the  right  to  vote,  unless  otherwise 
prohibited. 

Women  of  all  races  are  white,  black  or  some  intermediate  color. 
Color  comprises  all  people,  of  all  races  and  both  sexes.  The  right  to 
vote  cannot  be  denied  on  account  of  color.  All  people  included  in  the 
term  color  have  the  right  to  vote  unless  otherwise  prohibited. 

With  the  right  to  vote  sex  has  nothing  to  do.  Race  and  color 
include  all  people  of  both  sexes.  All  people  of  both  sexes  have  the 
right  to  vote,  unless  prohibited  by  special  limiting  terms  less  compre- 
hensive than  race  or  color.  No  such  limiting  terms  exist  in  the  Con- 
stitution. 

Women,  white  and  black,  have  from  time  immemorial  groaned  under 
what  is  properly  termed  in  the  Constitution  "previous  condition  of 
servitude." 

Women  are  the  equals  of  men  before  the  law,  and  are  equal  in  all . 
their  rights  as  citizens. 

Women  are  debarred  from  voting  in  some  parts  of  the  United 
States,  although  they  are  allowed  to  exercise  that  right  elsewhere. 

Women  were  formerly  permitted  to  vote  in  places  where  they  are 
now  debarred  therefrom. 

The  Naturalization  Laws  of  the  United  States  expressly  provide 
for  the  naturalization  of  women. 

But  the  right  to  vote  has  only  lately  been  distinctly  declared  by 
the  Constitution  to  be  inalienable,  under  three  distinct  conditions — in 
all  of  which  woman  is  distinctly  embraced. 

The  citizen  who  is  taxed  should  also  have  a  voice  in  the  subject 


40D  SECOND   PRONUNCIAMENTO. 

matter  of  taxation.  "  No  taxation  without  representation"  is  a  right 
which  was  fundamentally  established  at  the  very  birth  of  our  country's 
independence ;  and  by  what  ethics  does  any  free  government  impose 
taxes  on  women  without  giving  them  a  voice  upon  the  subject  or  a 
participation  in  the  public  declaration  as  to  how  and  by  whom  these 
taxes  shall  be  applied  for  common  public  use  ? 

Women  are  free  to  own  and  to  control  property,  separate  and 
apart  from  males,  and  they  are  held  responsible  in  their  own  proper 
persons,  in  every  particular,  as  well  as  men,  in  and  out  of  court 

Women  have  the  same  inalienable  right  to  life,  liberty  and  the 
pursuit  of  happiness  that  men  have.  Why  have  they  not  this  right 
politically,  as  well  as  men  ? 

Women  constitute  a  majority  of  the  people  of  this  country — they 
hold  vast  portions  of  the  nation's  wealth  and  pay  a  proportionate  share 
of.  the  taxes.  They  are  intrusted  with  the  most  holy  duties  and  the 
most  vital  responsibilities  of  society ;  they  bear,  rear  and  educate  men  ; 
they  train  and  mould  their  characters ;  they  inspire  the  noblest  im- 
pulses in  men ;  they  often  hold  the  accumulated  fortunes  of  a  man's 
life  for  the  safety  of  the  family  and  as  guardians  of  the  infants,  and 
yet  they  are  debarred  from  uttering  any  opinion,  by  public  vote,  as  to 
the  management  by  public  servants  of  these  interests  ;  they  are  the 
secret  counsellors,  the  best  advisers,  the  most  devoted  aids  in  the  most 
trying  periods  of  men's  lives,  and  yet  men  shrink  from  trusting  them 
in  the  common  questions  of  ordinary  politics.  Men  trust  women  in 
the  market,  in  the  shop,  on  the  highway  and  the  railroad,  and  in  all 
other  public  places  and  assemblies,  but  when  they  propose  to  carry  a 
slip  of  paper  with  a  name  upon  it  to  the  polls,  they  fear  them.  Never- 
theless, as  citizens  women  have  the  right  to  vote ;  they  are  part  and 
parcel  of  that  great  element  in  which  the  sovereign  power  of  the  land 
had  birth :  and  it  is  by  usurpation  only  that  men  debar  them  from 
their  right  to  vote.  The  American  nation,  in  its  march  onward  and 
upward,  cannot  publicly  choke  the  intellectual  and  political  activity 
of  half  its  citizens  by  narrow  statutes.  The  will  of  the  entire  people 
is  the  true  basis  of  republican  government,  and  a  free  expression  of 
that  will  by  the  public  vote  of  all  citizens,  without  distinctions  of 
race,  color,  occupation  or  sex,  is  the  only  means  by  which  that  will  can 
be  ascertained.  As  the  world  has  advanced  in  civilization  and  cul- 
ture ;  as  mind  has  risen  in  its  dominion  over  matter ;  as  the  principle 
of  justice  and  moral  right  has  gained  sway,  and  merely  physically  or- 
ganized power  has  yielded  thereto  ;  as  the  might  of  right  has  sup- 


SECOND   PRONUNCIAMENTO. 

planted  the  right  of  might,  so  have  the  rights  of  women  become  more 
fully  recognized,  and  that  recognition  is  the  result  of  the  development 
of  the  minds  of  men,  which  through  the  ages  she  has  polished,  and 
thereby  heightened  the  lustre  of  civilization. 

It  was  reserved  for  our  great  country  to  recognize  by  constitutional 
enactment  that  political  equality  of  all  citizens  which  religion,  affection, 
and  common  sense  should  have  long  since  accorded ;  it  was  reserved 
for  America  to  sweep  away  the  mist  of  prejudice  an  1  ignorance,  and 
that  chivalric  condescension  of  a  darker  age,  for  Li  tlie  language  of 
Holy  Writ,  "  The  night  is  far  spent,  the  day  i ;  :it  hand,  let  us  therefore 
cast  off  the  work  of  darkness,  and  let  us  put  on  the  armor  of  lighL 
Let  us  walk  honestly  as  in  the  day." 

It  may  be  argued  against  the  proposition  that  tnere  still  remains 
upon  the  statute  books  of  some  States  the  word  "  male  "  to  an  exclu- 
sion, but  as  the  Constitution  in  its  paramount  character  can  only  be 
read  by  the  light  of  the  established  principle,  ita  lex  Scripta  est ;  and  as- 
the  subject  of  sex  is  not  mentioned  and  the  Constitution  is  not  limited 
either  in  terms  or  by  necessary  implication  in  the  general  rights  of  citi- 
zens to  vote,  this  right  cannot  be  limited  on  account  of  anything  in  the 
spirit  of  inferior  or  previous  enactments  upon  a  subject  which  is. 
not  mentioned  in  the  supreme  law.  A  different  construction  would 
destroy  a  vested  right  in  a  portion  of  the  citizens,  and  this  no  legislature- 
has  a  right  to  do  without  compensation,  and  nothing  can  compensate  a 
citizen  for  the  loss  of  his  or  her  suffrage — its  value  is  equal  to  the  value 
of  life.  Neither  can  it  be  presumed  that  women  are  to  be  kept  from  the- 
polls  as  a  mere  police  regulation :  it  is  to  be  hoped,  at  least,  that  police- 
regulations  in  their  case  need  not  be  very  active.  The  effect  of  the1 
amendments  to  the  Constitution  must  be  to  annul  the  power  over  this: 
subject  in  the  States  whether  past,  present  or  future,  which  is  contrary 
to  the  amendments.  The  amendments  would  even  arrest  the  action  of 
the  Supreme  Court  in  cases  pending  before  it  prior  to  their  adoption, 
and  operate  as  an  absolute  prohibition  to  the  exercise  of  any  other  juris- 
diction than  merely  to  dismiss  the  suit. 

3  Ball.,  382  ;  6  Wheaton,  405  ;  9  Id.,  868 ;  3d  Circ.,  Pa.,  1832. 

And  if  the  restrictions  contained  in  the  Constitution  as  to  colorr 
race  or  servitude,  were  designed  to  limit  the  State  governments  in  ref- 
erence to  their  own  citizens,  and  were  intended  to  operate  also  as  re- 
strictions on  the  Federal  power,  and  to  prevent  interference  with  the  rights 
of  the  State  and  its  citizens,  how  then  can  the  State  restrict  citizens  of 
the  United  States  in  the  exercise  of  rights  not  mentioned  in  any  restri,c- 


40F  SECOND   PRONUNCIAMENTO. 

live  clause  in  reference  to  actions  on  the  part  of  those  citizens  having 
reference  solely  to  the  necessary  functions  of  the  General  Government, 
such  as  the  election  of  representatives  and  senators  to  Congress,  whose 
election  the  Constitution  expressly  gives  Congress  the  power  to  regu- 
late? 

S.  0.,  1847  :  Fox  vs.  Ohio,  5  Howard,  410. 

Your  memorialist  complains  of  the  existence  of  State  Laws,  and 
prays  Congress,  by  appropriate  legislation,  to  declare  them,  as  they  are, 
annulled,  and  to  give  vitality  to  the  Constitution  under  its  power 
to  make  and  alter  the  regulations  of  the  States  contravening  the  same. 

It  may  be  urged  in  opposition  that  the  Courts  have  power,  and 
should  declare  upon  this  subject. 

The  Supreme  Court  has  the  power,  and  it  would  be  its  duty  so  to 
declare  the  law  ;  but  the  Court  will  not  do  so  unless  a  determination  of 
such  point  as  shall  arise  make  it  necessary  to  the  determination  of  a 
controversy,  and  hence  a  case  must  be  presented  in  which  there  can  be 
no  rational  doubt.  All  this  would  subject  the  aggrieved  parties  to  much 
dilatory,  expensive  and  needless  litigation,  which  your  memorialist 
prays  your  Honorable  Body  to  dispense  with  by  appropriate  legislation, 
as  there  can  be  no  purpose  in  special  arguments  "  ad  inconvenient!," 
enlarging  or  contracting  the  import  of  the  language  of  theConstitution. 

Therefore^  Believing  firmly  in  the  right  of  citizens  to  freely  ap- 
proach those  in  whose  hands  their  destiny  is  placed,  under  the  Provi- 
dence of  God,  your  memorialist  has  frankly,  but  humbly,  appealed  to 
you,  and  prays  that  the  wisdom  of  Congress  may  be  moved  to  action  in 
this  matter  for  the  benefit  and  the  increased  happiness  of  our  beloved 
country. 

Most  respectfully  submitted, 

VICTORIA  C.  WOODHULL. 
Dated  NEW  YORK,  January  2,  1871. 

The  issue  upon  the  question  of  female  suffrage  being  thus  definitely 
and  clearly  set  forth,  and  its  rights  inalienably  vested  in  woman,  a 
brighter  future  dawns  upon  the  country.  "When  Congress  shall  have 
moved  in  the  matter,  and  thus  secured  to  woman  the  free  exercise  of 
these  newly-defined  rights,  she  can  unite  in  purifying  the  elements  of 
political  strife — in  restoring  the  Government  to  pristine  integrity, 
strength  and  vigor.  To  do  this,  many  reforms  become  of  absolute  ne- 
cessity. Prominent  among  these  are — 


SECOND   PRONUNCIAMENTO.  40& 

A  reform  in  representation  by  which  all  Legislative  Bodies  and 
the  Presidential  Electoral  College  shall  be  so  elected  that  minorities  as 
well  as  majorities  shall  have  direct  representation. 

A  complete  reform  in  Executive  and  Departmental  conduct,  by 
which  the  President  and  the  Secretaries  of  the  United  States,  and  the 
Governors  and  State  Officers  shall  be  forced  to  recognize  that  they  are 
the  servants  of  the  people,  appointed  to  attend  to  the  business  of  the 
people,  and  not  for  the  purpose  of  perpetuating  their  official  positions, 
or  of  securing  the  plunder  of  public  trusts  for  the  enrichment  of  their 
political  adherents  and  supporters. 

A  reform  in  the  tenure  of  office,  by  which  the  Presidency  shall  be 
limited  to  one  term,  with  a  retiring  life  pension,  and  a  permanent  seat  in 
the  Federal  Senate,  where  his  Presidential  experience  may  become  ser- 
viceable to  the  nation,  and  on  the  dignity  and  life  emolument  of  Presi- 
dential Senator  he  shall  be  placed  above  all  other  political  position,  and 
be  excluded  from  all  professional  pursuits. 

A  radical  reform  in  our  Civil  Service,  by  which  the  Government, 
in  its  executive  capacity,  shall  as  all  times  secure  faithful  and  efficient 
officers,  and  the  people  trustworthy  servants,  whose  appointment  shall 
be  entirely  removed  from,  and  be  made  independent  of,  the  influence 
and  control  of  the  legislative  branch  of  the  Government,  and  who  shall 
be  removed  for  "  cause  "  only,  and  who  shall  be  held  strictly  to  frequent 
public  accounting  to  superiors  for  all  their  official  transactions,  which 
shall  forever  dispose  of  the  corrupt  practices  induced  by  the  allure- 
ments of  the  motto  of  present  political  parties,  that  "to  the  victor 
belong  the  spoils,"  which  is  a  remnant  of  arbitrarily  assumed  authority, 
unworthy  of  a  government  emanating  from  the  whole  people. 

A  reform  in  our  systems  of  finance,  by  which  the  arbitrary  stand- 
ard of  ancient  and  feudal  despotisms  shall  be  removed ;  by  which  the 
true  source  of  wealth  shall  become  the  basis  and  the  security  of  a  na- 
tional currency,  which  shall  be  made  convertible  into  a  National  Bond 
bearing  such  an  interest,  while  in  the  hands  of  the  people,  as  shall  se- 
cure an  equilibrium  between  the  demands  of  all  the  varieties  of  ex- 
changes and  the  supply  of  money  to  effect  them  with,  the  Bond  being 
also  convertible  at  pleasure  into  money  again,  by  which  system  of  ad- 
justment, "plethora"  equally  with  "  tightness"  shall  be  banished  from 
the  financial  centres  of  our  country ;  and  which,  in  its  practical  work- 
ings, shall  secure  such  pecuniary  equality  between  the  employing  and 
the  laboring  classes  as  will  forever  make  poverty  and  its  long  list  of 
consequent  ills  impossible  in  our  country ;  and  which  shall  suggest  the 


40H  SECOND   PRONUNCIAMENTO. 

solution  of  those  schemes  which  are  being  discussed  for  "funding  the 
public  debt "  at  a  lower  rate  of  interest 

A  complete  reform  in  our  system  of  Internal  improvements,  which 
connect  and  bind  together  the  several  States  in  commercial  unity,  to  the 
end  that  they  shall  be  conducted  so  as  to  administer  to  the  best  interests 
of  the  whole  people,  for  whose  benefit  they  were  first  permitted,  and  are 
now  protected;  by  which  the  General  Government,  in  the  use  of  its 
postal  powers,  and  in  the  exercise  of  its  duties  in  regulating  commerce 
between  the  States,  shall  secure  the  transportation  of  passengers,  mer_ 
chandise  and  the  mails,  from  one  extremity  of  the  country  to  the  op- 
posite, and  throughout  it3  whole  area,  at  the  actual  cost  of  maintaining 
such  improvements,  plus  legitimate  interest  upon  their  original  cost  of 
construction,  thus  converting  them  into  public  benefits,  instead  of  their 
remaining,  as  now,  hereditary  taxes  upon  the  industries  of  the  country, 
by  which,  if  continued,  a  few  favored  individuals  are  likely  to  become 
the  actual  rulers  of  the  country. 

A  complete  reform  in  commercial  and  navigation  laws,  by  wnicn 
American  built  or  purchased  ships  and  American  seamen  shall  be 
practically  protected  by  the  admission  of  all  that  is  required  for  con- 
struction of  the  first,  or  the  use  and  maintenance  of  either,  free  in  bond 
or  on  board. 

A  reform  in  the  relations  of  the  employer  and  employed,  by 
which  shall  be  secured  the  practice  of  the  great  natural  law,  of  one- 
third  of  time  to  labor,  one-third  to  recreation  and  one-third  to  rest,  that 
by  this,  intellectual  improvement  and  physical  delvelopment  may  go  on 
to  that  perfection  which  the  Almighty  Creator  designed. 

A  reform  in  the  principles  of  protection  and  revenue,  by  which  the 
largest  home  and  foreign  demand  shall  be  created  and  sustained  for  pro- 
ducts of  American  industry  of  every  kind ;  by  which  this  industry  shall 
be  freed  from  the  ruinous  effects  consequent  upon  frequent  changes  in 
these  systems ;  by  which  shall  be  secured  that  constant  employment  to 
workingmen  and  working  women  throughout  the  country  which  will 
maintain  them  upon  an  equality  in  all  kinds  and  classes  of  industry;  by 
which  a  contiimous  prosperty — which,  if  not  so  marked  by  rapid  accumu- 
lation, shall  possess  the  merit  of  permanency — will  be  secured  to  all, 
which  in  due  time  will  reduce  the  cost  of  all  products  to  a  minimum 
value ;  by  which  the  laboring  poor  shall  be  relieved  of  the  onerous  tax, 
now  indirectly  imposed  upon  them  by  government;  by  which  the 
burden  of  governmental  support  shall  be  placed  where  it  properly 
belongs,  and  by  which  an  unlimited  national  wealth  will  gradually  accu- 


SECOND   PRONUXCIAMENTO.  40l 

mulate,  the  ratio  of  taxation  upon  which  will  become  so  insignificant 
in  amount  as  to  be  no  burden  to  the  people. 

A  reform  by  which  the  power  of  legislative  bodies  to  levy  taxes 
shall  be  limited  to  the  actual  necessities  of  the  legitimate  functions  of 
government  in  its  protection  of  the  rights  of  persons,  property  and 
nationality ;  and  by  which  they  shall  be  deprived  of  the  power  to 
exempt  any  property  from  taxation ;  or  to  make  any  distinctions  di- 
rectly or  indirectly  among  citizens  in  taxation  for  the  support  of  gov- 
ernment ;  or  to  give  or  loan  the  public  property  or  credit  to  individuals 
or  corporations  to  promote  any  enterprise  whatever. 

A  reform  in  the  system  of  criminal  jurisprudence,  by  which,  the 
death  penalty  shall  no  longer  be  inflicted — by  which  the  hardened  crim- 
inal shall  have  no  Kuman  chance  of  being  let  loose  to  harass  society 
until  the  term  of  the  sentence,  whatever  that  may  be,  shall  have  ex- 
pired, and  by  which,  daring  that  term,  the  entire  prison  employment 
shall  be  for — and  the  product  thereof  be  faithfully  paid  over  to — the 
support  of  the  criminal's  family ;  and  by  which  our  so-called  prisons 
shall  be  virtually  transformed  into  vast  reformatory  workshops,  from 
which  the  unfortunate  may  emerge  to  be  useful  members  of  society,  in- 
stead of  the  alienated  citizens  they  now  are. 

The  institution  of  such  supervisatory  control  and  surveillance  over 
£ie  now  low  orders  of  society  as  shall  compel  them  to  industry,  and 
provide  for  the  helpless,  and  thus  banish  those  institutions  of  pauperism 
and  beggary  which  are  fastening  upon  the  vitals  of  society,  and  are 
so  prolific  of  crime  and  suffering  in  certain  communities. 

The  organization  of  a  general  system  of  national  education,  which 
shall  positively  secure  to  every  child  of  the  country  such  an  education 
in  the  arts,  sciences  and  general  knowledge  as  will  render  them  profita- 
ble and  useful  members  of  society,  and  the  entire  proceeds  of  the  public 
domain  should  be  religiously  devoted  to  this  end. 

Such  change  in  our  general  foreign  policy  as  shall  plainly  indicate 
that  we  realize  and  appreciate  the  important  position  which  has  been  as- 
signed us  as  a  nation  by  the  common  order  of  civilization  ;  which  shall 
indicate  our  supreme  faith  in  that  form  of  government  which  emanates 
from,  and  is  supported  by,  the  whole  people,  and  that  such  government 
must  eventually  be  uniform  throughout  the  world ;  which  shall  also 
have  in  view  the  establishment  of  a  Grand  International  Tribunal,  to 
which  all  disputes  of  peoples  and  nations  shall  be  referred  for  final 
arbitration  and  settlement,  without  appeal  to  arms ;  said  Tribunal 
maintaining  only  such  an  International  army  and  navy  as  would  be 


40J  SECOND   PKONUNCIAMENTO. 

necessary  to  enforce  its  decrees,  and  thus  secure  the  return  of  the 
15,000,000  of  men  who  now  compose  the  standing  armies  of  the  world, 
to  industrial  and  productive  pursuits. 

Thus  in  the  best  sense  do  I  claim  to  be  the  friend  and  exponent  of 
the  most  complete  equality  to  which  humanity  can  attain ;  of  the  broad- 
est individual  freedom  compatible  with  the  public  good,  and  that  su- 
preme justice  which  shall  know  no  distinction  among  citizens  upon  any 
ground  whatever,  in  the  administration  and  the  execution  of  the  laws ; 
and  also,  to  be  a  faithful  worker  in  the  cause  of  human  advancement ; 
and  especially  to  be  the  co-laboror  with  those  who  strive  to  better  the 
condition  of  the  poor  and  friendless ;  to  secure  to  the  great  mass  of 
working  people  the  just  reward  of  their  toil, — I  claim  from  these,  and 
from  all  others  in  the  social  scale,  that  support  in  the  bold  political  course 
I  have  taken,  which  shall  give  me  the  strength  and  the  position  to  carry 
out  these  needed  reforms,  which  shall  secure  to  them,  in  return,  the 
blessings  which  the  Creator  designed  the  human  race  should  enjoy. 

If  I  obtain  this  support,  woman's  strength  and  woman's  will,  with 
God's  support,  if  He  vouchsafe  it,  shall  open  to  them,  and  to  this  coun- 
try, a  new  career  of  greatness  in  the  race  of  nations,  which  can  only  be 
secured  by  that  fearless  course  of  truth  from  which  the  nations  of  the 
earth,  under  despotic  male  governments,  have  so  far  departed. 

VICTORIA  C.  WOODHULL. 

NEW  YORK,  JANUARY  10,  1871. 


TENDENCIES    OF    GOVERNMENT, 


[Revised  from  the  New  York  Herald  of  April  16, 1870.] 

VICTORIA   0.  WOODHULL    ON    THE     "TENDENCIES     OF 

GOVERNMENT." 


OOD     IN    CREATION,   IN    HISTORY,   AND    IN    GOVERNMENT — A   PHILO- 
SOPHICAL  PREFACE   TO   A  PHILOSOPHICAL   DISCOURSE. 

[The  head  of  the  firm  of  Woodhull,  Claflin  &  Co.,  Commodore 
Vanderbilt's  financial  proteges — the  famous  brokers  of  Broad  street — 
has  undertaken  the  difficult  task  of  correcting  popular  errors  in  the 
science  of  government,  and  has  prepared  a  ^aper  on  the  subject,  which, 
as  the  lady  expects  to  be  too  busy  to  deliver  for  some  time  to  come, 
we  publish  it  in  extenso.  Whether  her  conclusions  will  agree  with 
her  premises  or  not,  the  document  will  be  found  exceedingly  interest- 
ing, as  showing  the  quality  of  the  female  mind  against  which  the 
money  changers  of  Wall  street  will  have  to  contend  in  business  :] 

As  far  back  into  the  past  as  dim  historic  lights  enable  us  to  see, 
and  still  much  farther,  even  behind  the  appearance  of  man  upon  the 
face  of  this  planet,  the  existence  of  government  can  be  plainly  traced. 
Wherever  two  or  more  of  any  species  of  animals — not  to  descend  lower 
and  including  man — are  or  have  been,  something  simulating  to  what 
is  in  our  day  denominated  government  exists  or  existed ;  and,  whether 
it  is  or  was  over  a  greater  or  less  community,  it  is  or  was  possessed  of 
certain  characterizing  elements,  from  and  by  which  a  clear  insight  into 
the  composition  of  the  community  can  be  obtained  by  those  who  will 


42  THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT. 

analyze  the  elements  somewhat  philosophically  ;  that  is  to  say  govern- 
ihents  are  truthful  reflections  of  the  governed  when  considered  as  a 
whole,  and  all  changes  or  modifications  that  occur  therein,  result  from 
growth  of  the  governed. 

No  just  nor  advantageous  deductions  from  any  subject  or  fact 
which  is  worthy  of  a  position  in  the  world's  history,  and  which  is  ca- 
pable of  permanently  maintaining  such  a  position,  can  be  arrived  at, 
except  through  a  complete  philosophical  analysis  of  all  the  elements- 
entering  into  its  composition.  All  facts  as  well  as  all  chemical  com- 
pounds are  made  up  of  elementary  principles  brought  into  intimate 
productive  relations  by  some  general  power,  operating  by  some  general 
law  of  combination.  By  such  an  analysis  the  composition  of  such 
subjects  and  facts  as  are  analyzed  are  not  only  determined,  but  the  re- 
lations which  they  sustain  to  all  other  subjects  and  facts  are  also  de- 
monstrated, and  thus  a  general  law  of  relativity  is  found  which  makes- 
the  whole  round  of  creation  one  in  purpose  and  effect. 

It  is  not  proposed  in  the  present  article  to  prosecute  an  exhaustive 
analysis  of  government  as  it  is  or  as  it  has  been,  but  rather  to  ob- 
serve the  chain  of  progression  which  has  been  evolved,  and  to  endeavor 
to  determine  whether,  link  by  link,  it  does  not  form  one  harmonious 
whole,  from  the  present  aspect  of  which  its  culmination  may  be  caught 
sight  of;  and  whether  that  culmination  will  not  be  found  a  complete 
circle,  containing  within  its  immense  area  all  that  has  conspired  and 
assisted  in  its  completion,  and  which  will  be  entitled  to  positions  in  such 
a  community  of  interests  <t>y  virtue  of  having  thus  conspired  and  as- 
sisted in  its  formation. 

Neither  is  it  proposed  to  extend  the  limits  of  this  inquiry  beyond  the 
consideration  of  human  government,  except  in  so  far  as  analogies  may  be 
sought  to  enforce  the  application  of  general  laws  and  to  assist  by  such 
application  in  the  solution  of  such  questions  as  may  not  be  entirely  ap- 
parent from  the  evidences  contained  specifically  within  the  said  limits. 
Philosophically  considered,  however,  the  objects  sought  could  as  well 
be  obtained  from  any  other  department  of  government ;  for,  while  a 
general  law  underlies  all  forms  and  systems  of  human  government  and 
controls  all  its  modifications,  the  self-same  law  underlies  and  controls 
all  other  forms  and  systems  of  government,  from  which  human  govern- 
ment sprung  and  upon  which  it  rests  as  a  primary  basis. 

It  is  believed  that  there  is  sufficient  mental  development  and  com- 
prehension contained  in  the  philosophic  minds  of  this  latter  part  of 
the  nineteenth  century  to  gather  into  form  the  evidence  that  has  been 


THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT.  43 

and  is  being  presented,  in  the  evolution  and  dissolution  of  government, 
and  grasp  its  signification,  so  that  in  its  application  to  existing  things, 
permanent  instead  of  politic  modifications  in  governmental  affairs  may 
be  inaugurated.  Governed  by  any  other  than  such  a  broad  standard, 
changes  and  modifications  in  present  systems  and  forms  are  made 
simply  to  meet  the  exigencies  of  the  times,  and  with  no  view  to  place 
government  upon  a  basis  which  should  never  need  modification,  and 
which  should  meet  all  exigencies  of  all  times.  The  reasons  why  such 
government  has  not  hitherto  been  inaugurated  or  attempted,  are,  be- 
cause in  no  country  has  the  general  mind  as  yet  become  sufficiently 
broad  and  comprehensive  to  discover  that  great  general  laws  underlie 
the  universe  and  govern  all  its  manifestations,  applying  to  each  and 
•every  department  thereof  with  perfect  uniformity.  It  is  not  my  prov- 
ince to  discuss  what  these  great  general  laws  and  principles  are.  I  as- 
sume that  they  do  exist,  and  it  is  my  office  to  predicate  what  the  future 
of  government  must  be  when  it  shall  have  its  basis  in  such  laws  and 
principles,  and  to  judge  whether  what  has  been,  and  what  is,  may  be 
considered  as  gradual  approaches  from  the  most  simple  and  homogene- 
ous forms  in  which  the  interest  of  all  were  very  indefinite,  either  indi- 
vidually or  collectively,  toward  that  wherein  the  interests  of  all,  while 
becoming  more  distinct  individually,  shall  be  merged  in  the  general  in- 
terests of  the  whole  and  become  identical  therewith. 

Mr.  Maine  says,  in  his  "Ancient  Law,"  that  "society  in  ancient 
times  was  not  what  it  is  assumed  to  be  at  present — a  collection  of  indi- 
viduals. In  fact,  and  in  view  of  the  men  that  composed  it,  it  was 
an  aggregation  of  families.  The  contrast  may  be  best  and  most  forci- 
bly expressed  by  saying  that  the  unit  of  an  ancient  society  was  the 
family;  of  a  modern  society,  the  individual." 

In  speaking  of  ancient  society,  Mr.  Fiskc  says :  "  Family  govern- 
ment excluded  not  only  individual  independence  but  also  State  su- 
premacy ;  and  that  vestiges  of  a  time  when  there  were  no  aggre- 
gates of-  men  more  extensive  than  the  family  may  be  found  in  every 
part  of  the  world,  when  social  organization  was  but  one  step  removed 
from  absolute  and  ferocious  anarchy  ;  "  and  this  he  defines  as  a  social 
aggregate  of  the  first  order;  the  coalescence  of  families  into  civic  com- 
munities an  aggregate  of  the  second  order ;  the  coalescence  of  civic 
and  tribual  communities  into  the  nation  an  aggregate  of  the  third 
order.  The  coalescence  of  nations  would  then  describe  an  aggregate 
of  the  fourth  order.  Under  these  four  orders  all  the  forms  of  govern- 
ment which  can  ever  exist  in  the  world  must  be  classified. 


44  THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT. 

As  low  a  form  of  government  as  can  be  conceived  as  existing  next 
above  that  of  the  family,  worthy  to  be  called  human  government,  still 
exists  among  the  barbarians  inhabiting  some  portions  of  Central  Africa, 
some  of  the  East  India  Islands,  and  perhaps  some  of  the  South  Sea 
Islands.  These  people  unite  in  bands  or  tribes,  and  rove  about  seeking 
the  means  of  subsistence  and  endeavoring  to  conquer  other  tribes. 
Some  have  central  points  of  rendezvous,  where  the  rudest  habitations 
are  constructed,  in  which  the  women  and  children  remain  during  the 
absence  of  the  men.  The  women  almost  universally  are  considered 
very  much  in  the  light  of  slaves  by  all  these  nomadic  tribes,  and  as 
only  fit  to  minister  to  their  passions  and  to  perform  their  drudgery. 
Their  language  is  as  rude  as  their  habits,  consisting  of  little  more  than 
a  comparatively  few  spasmodically  uttered  harsh  sounds.  Written 
language  they  have  none,  excepting  perhaps  some  images  or  rude  fig- 
ures symbolizing  some  special  event  they  in  this  way  attempt  to  com- 
memorate, and  which  may  be  considered  as  the  foundation  of  it  for  the 
tribes  using  them  as  they  were  the  primary  foundation  of  all  written 
language. 

One  notable  feature  is  universally  observable  among  all  these  rep- 
resentatives of  primitive  government — they  all  recognize  the  necessity 
of  a  leader  under  some  of  the  many  forms  of  control  exercised  by  the 
one  over  the  many,  and  he  is  generally  one  who  has  exhibited  some 
particular  prowess  in  battle,  the  capacity  to  perform  which  he  is  sup- 
posed to  be  endowed  with  by  some  unknown  power,  and  which  ren- 
ders him  superior  to  all  others,  and  best  capable  of  ruling  and  protect- 
ing those  who  thus  recognize  him,  and  who  obey  him  in  every  particu 
lar,  even  to  sacrificing  their  lives.  Such  may  be  considered  an  outline 
of  our  conceptions  of  the  most  primitive  form  of  government  of  the 
present  day  ;  and  the  fact  that  such  still  exists  has  a  marked  bearing 
upon  the  subject  of  general  government,  when  it  is  remembered  that 
the  time  was  when  no  higher  form  existed  on  the  face  of  the  earth. 

The  law  of  evolution  and  that  of  dissolution  being  a  universal 
deduction  from  the  philosophic  ultimatum  that  force  persists,  they  apply 
to  all  things  wherein  force  is  exhibited ;  consequently  human  govern- 
ment must  be  the  objective  result  of  the  persistence  of  force  exhib- 
ited among  the  people  of  the  earth,  and  at  the  same  time  the  subject 
of  all  modifications  that  grow  out  of  its  transformations  and  equivalent 
relations.  In  whatever  light,  then,  human  government  is  viewed, 
these  philosophic  laws  should  never  be  lost  sight  of  nor  disregarded ; 
but  the  causes  of  all  the  rises  and  falls,  transformations,  modifications 


THE  TENDENCIES   OF  GOVERNMENT.  45 

and  amalgamations,  should  be  sought  by  the  application  of  those  laws 
to  the  objective  points  under  consideration. 

The  question  now  naturally  arises,  Can  human  government,  then 
be  analyzed,  and  the  facts  it  presents  be  found  to  correspond  to  the 
deductions  of  philosophic  law  ? 

It  has  been  remarked  that  the  simplest  combinations  of  force 
among  human  beings,  representing  government  which  existed  when 
none  higher  had  been  attained,  was  still  represented  on  the  earth  by 
certain  of  its  inhabitants.  Beginning  with  this  as  the  basis  of  the  su- 
perstructure of  human  government,  can  there  be  traced  a  gradual  scale 
of  progress  from  it  to  the  government  of  this  country,  in  which  scale 
each  nation,  tribe  and  tongue  will  find  its  appropriate  place,  which, 
unoccupied,  would  render  the  scale  imperfect,  as  a  chain  would  be  im- 
perfect were  one  of  its  central  links  missing  ?  and  would  an  analysis 
of  each  of  these  governments  develop  the  fact  that  each  successive  one 
in  the  progressive  scale  would  represent  some  new  application  of  the 
principle  of  liberty,  some  more  extended  idea  of  equality,  or  some  bet- 
ter formula  of  justice  than  the  preceding  had,  which  application,  idea 
or  formula  entitles  it  to  rank  superior- thereto,  and  also  determines  its 
position  in  the  scale  ? 

Of  all  systems  and  forms  of  government  that  came  and  passed 
away  during  the  long  lapse  of  ages,  from  the  time  the  most  primitive 
alone  existed  on  the  earth  to  the  time  wherein  those  flourished  that 
have  left  records  of  their  existence,  we  can  know  nothing  except  what 
may  be  gathered  from  philosophic  deduction  unsupported  by  any  ac- 
tual record  of  facts  concerning  them.  It  is,  however,  philosophically 
certain  that  very  many  such  intermediate  governments  did  exist,  vari- 
ously modified  and  advancing  from  the  primitive  forms.  Possessing, 
as  we  may  justly  infer,  but  little  capability  for  duration,  their  integra- 
tion was  rapidly  succeeded  by  disintegration  ;  being  exposed  to  numer- 
ous and  different  external  influences,  rapid  and  successive  changes 
were  inevitable,  because  they  were  possessed  of  but  little  individuality 
and  consequently  but  little  capacity  for  resisting  external  influences. 
They  were  bound  together  by  none  of  the  higher  laws  of  association, 
but  were  led  by  transient  ephemeral  contingencies,  combining  at  times 
together,  to  soon  divide  and  subdivide  only  to  again  form  new  and 
equally  temporary  amalgamations.  Thus  constantly  organizing  and 
dissolving,  the  long  interval  alluded  to  was  occupied  by  primitive  in- 
habitants in  their  march  from  the  purely  homogeneous  toward  the  in 
dividualized  times  wherein  civilization  left  records  of  itself. 


46  THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT. 

While  no  special  inquiries  into  the  correctness  of  the  formulas  laid 
down  at  various  times  by  various  philosophers,  which  seek  to  include 
and  cover  all  the  phenomena  of  the  universe,  will  be  made,  those  of 
the  most  eminent  may  with  propriety  be  stated ;  indeed,  if  it  be  at- 
tempted to  show  that  history  obeys  a  fixed  law  of  evolution,  the  law 
that  it  is  presumed  to  obey  must  be  given,  that  it  may  be  seen  whether 
the  deductions  arrived  at  are  included  within  the  limits  of  the  formula. 
If  it  should  not  so  turn  out,  then  either  the  deduction  must  be  illegiti- 
mate, the  formula  imperfect  or  impossible,  or  the  fact  made  apparent, 
that,  while  all  the  other  sciences,  as  biology,  psychology  and  their  vari- 
ous divisions,  are  known  to  conform  to  certain  well  determined  laws  of 
causation,  sociology,  in  which  all  history  and  government  find  their 
basis,  conforms  to  no  law,  but  is  the  product  of  the  merest  chance. 

Until  within  the  present  century  it  was  not  claimed  by  any  of  the 
various  philosophers  who  had  flourished  that  there  was  such  a  science 
as  sociology  ;  or,  if  so  claimed  by  any  far-seeing  mind,  the  attempt  to 
demonstrate  or  formulate  it  was  not  made  until  the  time  of  Comte,  who, 
about  the  year  1830,  did  attempt  it,  and  he  may  be  justly  styled  the 
father  of  the  present  system  of  formulated  science.  Though  his  sys- 
tem is  now  shown  to  contain  many  imperfections  and  omissions,  it  is 
nevertheless  certain,  that  but  for  it,  the  improvements  since  made 
would  not  have  been  possible  to  the  present  degree  attained,  though 
those  who  have  made  them  may  repudiate  the  idea,  and  scorn  to  ac- 
knowledge that  they  have  built  upon  Comte. 

Gathering  from  his  profuse  writings  upon  this  point  his  earlier  and 
most  continuous  opinions,  the  following  are  the  terms  in  which  they 
can  be  the  most  simply  expressed :  Social  progression  is  a  gradual 
change  from  rudimentary,  homogeneous  and  anthropomorphic  condi- 
tions to  civilization,  heterogeneity  and  to  definite  conceptions  of  the 
external  world ;  and  at  the  same  time  from  nomadic  characteristics, 
with  aggressive  purposes,  to  inhabitative  propensities  and  individual 
industrial  pursuits. 

A  number  of  philosophers,  who  have  written  since  'the  days  of 
Comte,  have  from  time  to  time  presented  formulas  which  at  best  can 
only  be  considered  as  modifications  of  his,  and  it  may  confidently  be 
asserted  that  no  real  addition  was  acquired  until  the  Spencerian  was 
made,  which,  while  it  included  Comte's,  was  more  general  and  com- 
prehensive, and  at  the  same  time  more  definite  and  special.  This  seem- 
ing anomaly  was  made  possible  by  his  having  discovered  the  law  of 
evolution,  and  by  having  exhaustively  demonstrated  that  all  mental 


THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT.  47 

action — emotional  as  well  as  intellectual — was  included  in  it.  It  is  as 
follows :  Evolution  is  an  integration  of  matter  and  a  concomitant  dis- 
sipation of  motion,  during  which  the  matter  passes  from  an  indefinite, 
incoherent  homogeneity  to  a  definite,  coherent  heterogeneity,  and  dur- 
ing which  the  retained  motion  undergoes  a  partial  transformation. 
This  general  formula  includes  all  evolution,  organic  and  inorganic,  and 
interprets  not  only  the  genesis  of  the  sidereal  and  solar  systems  and  of 
the  earth,  but  also  of  life  upon  the  earth,  and  has  become  the  law  of 
all  social,  moral  and  intellectual  change.  He  afterward  found  it  ne- 
cessary to  make  a  supplement  especially  applicable  to  organic  life, 
in  such  terms  as  should  not  include  the  inorganic.  It  was  as  follows : 
"Life — and  intelligence  being  the  highest  manifestations  of  life — con- 
sists in  the  continuous  establishment  of  relations  within  the  organism, 
in  correspondence  with  relations  existing  within  the  environment  or  the 
surroundings." 

To  this  exhaustive  statement  a  late  generalization  and  specializa- 
tion has  been  made  by  Mr.  Fiske,  especially  applicable  to  social  evolu- 
tion, as  follows :  The  progress  of  society  is  a  continuous  establishment 
of  psychical  relations  within  the  community,  in  conformity  to  physical 
and  psychical  relations  arising  within  the  environment,  during  which, 
both  the  community  and  the  environment  pass  from  a  state  of  inco- 
herent homogeneity  to  a  state  of  coherent  heterogeneity,  and  during 
which  the  constitutional  units  of  the  community  become  ever  more 
distinctly  individuated. 

Having  now  arrived  at  that  point  where  history  must  furnish  the 
facts  upon  which  the  subject  rests,  it  may  be  well  to  comprehensively 
recapitulate  a  perhaps  somewhat  too  long  introduction.  It  was  seen 
that  all  over  the  face  of  the  earth  where  human  life  was  represented, 
government  exists,  and  that  this  government  was  representative  of  one 
or  another  of  the  three  orders  of  aggregates  of  individuals — the  familv, 
the  tribal,  or  the  nations,  and  that  an  aggregate  of  nations  would  add 
the  fourth  order.  It  was  also  seen  that  the  evolution  of  government 
was  the  objective  result  of  the  persistence  of  force  among  its  component 
parts.  Fixing  the  basis  of  government  in  this  philosophic  fact,  it  was 
necessary  to  examine  the  history  of  government  to  see  if  in  its  evolu- 
tion it  had  conformed  to  this  law,  according  to  present  accepted  formu- 
las ;  and  if  so  found  to  have  done,  to  extend  the  same  into  the  future, 
to  ascertain  if  possible  what  the  future  would  be.  Thus  by  a  present 
understanding  of  the  law  and  its  tendencies,  all  modifications  and 
changes  made  in  present  systems  and  forms  might  be  so  made  in  har- 


48  THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT. 

rnony  therewith,  and  not  with  a  simple  view  to  meet  the  present  exi- 
gencies, but  with  an  understanding  that  would  meet  all  exigencies  of 
all  time,  which  alone  is  perfect  legislation. 


THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT. 


[Revised  from  the  New  York  Herald  of  April  25,  1870.] 

SECOND  PART  OF  MRS.  VICTORIA  C.  WOODULL/S  PHILIPPIC — LAWS, 
PEOPLES  AND  COMMUNITIES  FROM  A  FEMALE  POINT  OF  VIEW — 
LESSONS  IN  HISTORY,  POLITICS  AND  WAR. 

[Mrs.  Victoria  C.  Woodhull,  head  of  the  firm  of  female  brokers  in 
Broad  street,  presents  to  the  readers  of  the  Herald  the  following  com- 
munication, the  second  part  of  her  paper  on  "The  Tendencies  of  Gov- 
ernment," the  preface  to  which  has  already  appeared.  Mrs.  Woodhull 
has  undertaken  the  difficult  task  of  enlightening  the  public  mind  on 
the  best  means  of  running  the  Government  machine  of  America. 
Though  her  views,  expressed  in  this  paper,  have  a  wide  range,  it  must 
be  said  that  she  is  but  putting  herself  in  wind  for  a  tremendous  attack 
on  "  the  best  Government  the  world  ever  saw."  Being  already  in  the 
race  for  the  Presidency  (not  of  the  Sorosis,  but  of  the  United  States), 
her  pronunciamentos  are  of  course  very  important :] 

xt  must  begin  to  be  apparent  that  the  proposition  is,  that  the  evolu- 
tion of  government  does  not  differ  from  that  of  simplest  organic  forms 
either  in  principle  or  in  mode  of  operation.  The  same  laws  that  govern 
the  growth  and  multiply  the  plant  also  govern  society  and  multiply  it 
The  same  laws  that  bring  fruit  to  perfection  and  dissolution  perfect  and 
dissolve  societies.  The  same  laws  that  produce  and  control  the  units 
of  the  animal  kingdom  produce  and  control  the  units  of  society.  The 


THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT.  49 

same  law  that  governs  the  ebbing  and  flowing  of  the  tides,  that  deter- 
mines whether  the  component  parts  of  water  shall  exist  as  water  or 
vapor,  determines  the  movements  of  society  and  the  conditions  of  its- 
existence ;  and  the  same  law  that  produces  an  earthquake  here,  a  vol- 
canic eruption  there  or  a  terrific  hurricane  elsewhere,  produces  the 
earthquakes,  volcanic  eruptions  and  the  hurricanes  that  are  ever  modi- 
fying and  changing  society.  Symbols  of  all  the  various  processes 
society  passes  through  in  its  growth  and  extension  can  be  found  in 
every  other  department  of  the  universe  ;  or,  to  assert  the  same  fact  dif- 
ferently, everywhere  in  the  universe  there  is  a  constant  effort  to  attain 
an  equilibrium — a  continuous  working  to  supply  wants,  an  unceasing 
process  of  demand  and  supply,  which  are  universal  exemplifications  of 
the  law  that  motion  is  always  in  the  direction  of  the  least  resistance  or 
the  greatest  traction,  or  the  resultant  of  the  two  operating  conjointly. 

But  what  does  history  tell  of  the  foundation  and  dissolution  of 
governments,  and  what  illustrations  of  the  law  of  progress  does  it 
afford  ?  As  before  stated,  those  who  have  most  earnestly  studied  pre- 
historic time  have  found  ample  evidence  that  the  time  was  when  the 
head  of  the  family  was  the  highest  sovereign  power,  and  so  absolute  in 
its  character  that  the  individua  Iwas  entirely  submerged  in  it,  and  State 
supremacy  was  an  impossibility.  Nothing  but  anarchy  and  confusion 
could  have  attended  such  rule  ;  constant  rivalry,  jealousy  and  conten- 
tion must  have  kept  up  a  continual  strife  between  adjacent  families,, 
which  could  know  no  settlement  except  through  the  subjugation  or 
destruction  of  the  weaker  of  the  contending  parties.  Of  this  order  of 
governmental  aggregations,  it  is  questionable  if  the  earth  at  present 
furnishes  any  illustrations,  unless  it  be  in  some  part  thereof  to  which 
the  discoverer  has  not  yet  penetrated.  Of  the  next,  or  tribal,  order  of 
aggregates,  it  does,  however ;  and  with  this  second  order  the  real 
analysis  and  comparison  must  begin,  though  we  have  no  objective 
means  of  demonstrating  the  conditions  stated  as  existing.  When 
family  sovereignty  was  universal  it  can  readily  be  seen  that  the  con- 
tinued existence  of  such  conditions  would  be  impossible,  for  the  con- 
tinuous subjugations  and  amalgamations  of  families  would  lead  directly 
to  tribal  communities,  at  first  in  absolute  subjection  to  one  tribe,  which 
would  grow  into  some  power,  distributed  among  the  several  tribes.  So- 
also  would  the  joining  together  of  several  weak  families  to  resist  a 
more  powerful  neighbor  lead  directly  to  confederation. 

The  subjugation  and  reduction  of  families  to  bondage  and  slavery 
was  the  beginning  of  that  system  of  interdependence  now  so  broadly 


50  THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT. 

•extended  into  commerce,  exchange  and  mutual  dependence  for  almost 
the  necessities  of  life.  In  the  times  referred  to  every  man  was  his  own 
farmer,  tailor,  carpenter  and  cook,  and  this  condition  was  only  modified 
when  the  individuals  of  conquering  families  began  to  rely  upon  the 
•conquered  for  certain  services  they  otherwise  would  have  been  obliged 
to  render  themselves.  All  of  these  facts  exemplify  another  philosophic 
proposition — that  for  anything  in  the  universe  to  remain  in  its  homo- 
geneous condition  is  impossible,  which  impossibility  is  the  result  of  the 
fact  that  motion  must  produce  change,  while  constant  motion  is  inevi- 
table so  long  as  force  persists  and  matter  resists. 

That  eminent  historian  of  the  third  decade  of  the  eighteenth 
•century,  Rollin,  thus  remarks  of  the  earliest  monuments  which  are 
preserved,  treating  of  the  progress  from  simple  to  complex  forms  of 
government : — "  To  know  in  what  manner  the  states  and  kingdoms 
were  founded  that  have  divided  the  universe,  the  steps  whereby  they 
rose  to  1  hat  pitch  of  grandeur  related  in  history,  by  what  ties  families 
and  cities  united  in  order  to  constitute  one  body  of  society,  and  to  live 
together  under  the  same  laws  and  common  authority,  it  will  be  neces- 
sary to  trace  things  back  in  a  manner  to  the  infancy  of  the  world 
and  to  those  ages  in  which  mankind,  being  dispersed  into  different 
regions,  began  to  people  the  earth.  In  these  early  ages  every  father 
was  the  supreme  head  of  his  family;  the  arbiter  and  judge  of  what- 
ever contests  and  divisions  might  arise  within  it ;  the  natural  legislator 
over  his  little  society,  the  defender  and  protector  of  those  who,  by  their 
birth,  education  and  weakness,  were  under  his  protection  and  safe- 
guard. The  laws  which  the  paternal  vigilance  established  in  this  do- 
mestic senate  being  dictated  with  no  other  view  than  to  promote  the 
general  welfare,  were  concerted  with  such  children  as  were  come  to 
years  of  maturity  and  accepted  by  the  inferiors  with  a  full  and  free 
consent,  were  religiously  kept  and  preserved  in  families  as  an  heredi- 
tary polity,  to  which  they  owed  their  peace  and  security. 

But  different  motives  gave  rise  to  different  laws.  One  man,  over- 
joyed at  the  birth  of  a  first  born  son,  resolved  to  distinguish  him  from 
future  children  by  bestowing  on  him  a  more  considerable  share  of  his 
possessions,  and  giving  him  greater  authority  in  his  family.  Another, 
more  attentive  to  the  interests  of  a  beloved  wife  or  darling  daughter, 
whom  he  wanted  to  settle  in  the  world,  thought  it  incumbent  on  him 
to  secure  her  rights  and  increase  her  advantages.  The  solitary  and 
cheerless  state  a  wife  might  be  reduced  to  in  case  she  should  become 
a  widow  affected  more  intimately  another  man,  and  made  him  provide 


THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVEKNMENT.  51 

"beforehand  for  the  subsistence  and  comfort  of  a  woman  who  formed 
his  felicity.  In  proportion  as  every  family  increased  by  the  birth  of 
children  and  their  marrying  into  other  families,  they  extended  their 
domain,  and  by  insensible  degrees  formed  towns  and  cities.  From 
these  different  views  and  others  of  a  like  nature  arose  the  different 
customs  and  rights  of  nations. 

These  societies  growing  in  time  very  numerous,  and  the  families- 
dividing  into  different  branches,  each  having  its  head,  it  was  necessary 
to  intrust  one  person  with  the  whole  in  order  to  unite  all  these  heads, 
under  one  authority  and  to  maintain  the  public  good  by  a  uniform- 
administration.  To  heighten  the  lustre  of  this  newly  acquired  dignity 
and  to  cause  them  to  devote  themselves  entirely  to  the  public  good, 
the  title  of  king  was  bestowed  upon  them  and  they  were  invested  with, 
full  power  to  administer  justice  and  to  punish  crime. 

At  first  every  city  had  its  particular  king,  who,  being  more  solicit- 
ous of  preserving  his  dominion  than  of  enlarging  it,  confined  his  ambi- 
tion within  its  limits.  But  the  unavoidable  feuds  that  break  out  be- 
tween neighbors,  the  jealousy  against  a  more  powerful  rival,  the  turbu- 
lent spirit  of  a  prince,  his  martial  disposition  or  thirst  for  aggrandizing- 
himself  and  displaying  his  ability,  gave  rise  to  wars  which  frequently 
ended  in  the  entire  subjugation  of  the  vanquished  and  the  addition  of 
their  cities  to  the  victors.  Thus  a  first  victory  led  the  way  to  a  second, 
which,  making  a  prince  more  powerful  and  enterprising,  several  cities 
and  provinces  became  united  under  one  monarch,  forming  kingdoms, 
of  greater  or  less  extent,  according  to  the  degree  the  victor  pushed  his 
conquests.  Such  was  the  origin  of  the  famous  empires  that  at  times- 
included  the  greater  part  of  the  known  world. 

From  various  historical  authorities  the  following  summaries  of 
history  are  obtained,  and  are  presented  as  containing  some  of  the  prin- 
cipal points  by  which  the  general  progress  of  the  world  should  be 
judged.  The  principal  empires  of  ancient  time  will  be  observed  sepa- 
rately ;  those  of  modern  time  under  one  head,  because  of  the  more 
connected  character  of  their  histories,  and  because  of  the  more  general 
knowledge  that  is  possessed  of  them.  Then  the  general  course  events 
took  will  be  noticed,  the  deductions  that  legitimately  flow  from  them, 
introduced,  and  the  bearing  they  have  upon  present  affairs  of  the  world 
in  reference  to  its  future  condition  of  government  considered. 

There  are  several  nations  that  have,  at  various  times,  and  that  still 
do  claim,  the  greatest  antiquity.  The  Chinese,  the  Indians,  the  Syrians, 
and  Egyptians  appear  to  have  the  most  evidence  to  support  their  claim. 


62  THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT. 

The  Egyptians  once  accorded  it  to  the  Phrygians,  through  the  result 
of  the  somewhat  singular  experiment  of  confining  two  children  away 
from  all  intercourse  with  the  world  until  they  began  to  cry,  "  Beecos" 
which  was  found  to  be  the  Phrygian  word  for  bread.  This  word, 
Psammetichus,  the  King  decided  must  be  of  the  original  language,  and 
consequently  that  the  Phrygians  were  the  original  people. 

Manetho,  a  high  priest  in  Egypt,  who  had  charge  of  the  sacred 
archives,  pretends  to  have  extracted  from  the  writings  of  Mercurius 
and  to  have  proved  thereby  that  up  to  the  time  of  Alexander  the 
Great,  whose  reign  began  356  years  B.  C.,  there  had  been  thirty  dynas- 
ties in  Egypt,  which  together  covered  a  space  of  more  than  5,300  years. 
If  this  claim  be  allowed,  Egypt  has  existed  7,500  years.  Herodotus 
says  "  that  the  Egyptian  priests  computed  341  generations  until  the 
reign  of  Sethon,"  which  began  719  years  B.  C.  "These  generations," 
he  adds,  "make  11,341  years."  They  also  counted  a  like  number  of 
priests  and  kings,  who  had  succeeded  one  another  without  interruption, 
under  the  name  of  "Pyromas,"  signifying  good  and  virtuous.  These 
priests  hewed  341  colossal  statues  in  wood  of  these  Pyromas,  all  ar- 
ranged in  a  large  hall  in  the  order  of  their  s accession. 

Let  these  claims  be  false  or  true,  historians  unanimously  agree 
that  Menes  was  the  first  King  of  Egypt,  and  that  his  reign  began  2,188 
years  B.  C.,  which  would  make  its  historic  age  about  5,000  years;  un- 
doubtedly its  fabulous  age  would  cover  a  sufficient  period  to  make 
what  is  claimed,  at  least  by  Menetho,  if  not  by  the  priests  Herodotus 
mentions.  These  claims  will  seem  the  more  probable  when  we  are  in- 
formed that  a  few  ages  only  after  Menes,  the  first  King,  one  Busiris, 
built  the  famous  city  of  Thebes,  and  made  it  the  seat  of  his  empire, 
which  would  seem  to  indicate  that  the  arts  and  sciences  had  at  that 
time  been  carried  to  a  considerable  degree  of  perfection,  not  only  in 
the  building  of  cities,  but  also  in  their  adornment ;  for  we  are  told  that 
the  public  buildings  were  decorated  with  sculptures  and  paintings  of 
the  most  exquisite  beauty. 

Additional  force  is  also  given  these  claims  by  the  fact  that  Osy- 
mandyas,  the  successor  of  this  Busiris,  collected  a  magnificent  library 
at  Thebes,  called  "  The  Treasury  of  Eemedies  for  Diseases  of  the  Soul," 
which  would  indicate  that  polite  learning  had  made  considerable  ad- 
vancement as  well  in  philosophy  as  in  religion.  Historians  also  inform 
us  that  Cham,  the  father  of  Misriam — the  same  with  Menes — was  the 
second  son  of  Noah,  and  it  is  supposed  that  he  retired  into  Africa  after 
he  "confusion  of  tongues."  He  was  doubtless  the  Jupiter  Ammont 


THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT.  53 

so  long  worshiped  as  a  god  by  the  Egyptians.  "We  are  also  informed 
that  this  Cham,  or  Ham,  had  three  other  sons — Chus,  who  settled  Ethi- 
opia ;  Phut,  who  settled  Africa  westward  from  Egypt,  and  Canaan  in 
the  country  that  afterward  was  called  after  him,  and  whose  descend- 
ants were  called  Phoenicians. 

When  we  remember  the  so-called  flood ;  that  Cham  was  the  second 
son  of  Noah  and  the  father  of  Menes,  the  first  king,  2,189  years  B.  C., 
and  that  200  years  later  Osymaiidyas,  one  of  his  successors,  was  able 
to  fit  out  an  expedition  against  the  Bactrians  of  Asia,  consisting  of 
400,000  foot  and  20,000  horse,  it  must  be  conceded  that  if  the  "  flood  " 
destroyed  all  the  people  existing  on  the  face  of  the  earth,  except  those 
saved  in  the  ark,  the  descendants  of  Cham  must  have  multiplied  with 
inconceivable  rapidity  to  have  made  the  collecting  of  such  an  army 
possible.  But  this  is  not  more  astonishing  than  the  supposition  would 
be  that  there  could  be  contained  in  the  atmosphere  surrounding  the 
earth  sufficient  moisture  to  form  the  amount  of  water,  which,  falling 
through  a  space  of  forty  days  and  nights,  should  cover  the  whole  earth 
to  the  depth  narrated  of  Noah's  flood ;  nor  more  so  than  that  the  tem- 
perature of  the  whole  earth  at  that  time  should  have  been  so  uniform 
as  to  have  permitted  rain  throughout,  instead  of  hail  or  snow,  in  frigid 
portions  thereof.  And  if  we  were  to  inquire  where  such  a  quantity 
of  water  was  borrowed  from  and  returned,  a  consistent  reply  would  be 
equally  surprising ;  for  it  is  now  known  that  there  is  just  as  large  a 
quantity  of  the  elements  that  compose  water  at  present  as  there  was 
then. 

Considerable  latitude  can  be  allowed  the  statements  regarding  the 
flood,  when  it  is  remembered  that  the  knowledge  of  geography,  astron- 
omy and  meterology  must  have  been  exceedingly  limited  at  that  time. 
But  if  credence  is  given  to  it  as  having  occurred — and  it  is  conceded 
that  all  the  people  Noah  knew  were  destroyed  by  it — and  a  solution  is 
sought,  it  can  be  imagined  that  a  tremendous  upheaval  of  mountains 
in  Northern  Asiajnight  have  thrown  the  waters  of  the  Arctic  Ocean 
southward  over  the  country  Noah  dwelt  in ;  but  this  could  not  have 
been  the  result  of  forty  days  and  forty  nights  rain,  though  it  may  have 
rained  continuously  during  that  period,  and  may  have  been  considered 
such  by  Noah. 

This  digression  was  not  made  so  mucn  to  consider  the  probabilities 
of  a  flood  having  occurred  as  to  give  additional  force  to  the  historic 
fact  that  but  a  few  generations  after  it  is  said  to  have  occurred,  im- 
mense tribes  of  people  did  exist  in  that  portion  of  the  world  bordering 


54  THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVEENMENT. 

on  the  eastern  Mediterranean  Sea,  who  were  possessed  of  considerable 
general  knowledge,  immense  wealth,  and,  for  that  age,  good  ideas  of 
governmental  justice ;  besides  these  people,  it  must  also  be  remembered 
vast  hosts  of  barbarians  existed  in  the  more  remote  parts  of  Europe, 
Asia  and  Africa,  of  whose  origin  and  condition  nothing  can  be  posi- 
tively known,  either  of  which  bodies  of  people  could  not  have  descended 
from  Noah's  family  through  the  common  course  of  reproduction. 

What  concerns  this  inquiry  most,  is  Hot  whether  all  or  any  of  the 
narratives  of  ancient  writers  are  entitled  to  credence,  but  how  and  in 
what  directions  the  ancient  tribal  nations  extended  themselves  and  be- 
came merged  one  with  another.  Following  the  history  of  Egypt  from 
the  time  of  Menes  through  the  reigns  of  his  successors — Busiris,  Osy- 
mandyas  (whose  mausoleum  displayed  such  extravagant  magnificence), 
and  Euchoreus,  who  built  the  famous  Memphis  and  made  it  the  key  to 
the  Nile — on  through  the  space  of  two  hundred  and  sixty  years  of  the 
Shepherd  Kings,  from  Phoenicia  to  Amosis,  who  expelled  them,  and 
reunited  the  country,  and  to  Sesostris,  the  most  powerful  king  and  the 
greatest  conqueror  the  world  had  then  known,  but  little  evidence  of  in- 
creasing proficiency  in  science  and  art  is  found,  but  much  that  the  ac- 
quired standard  was  continually  being  extended  among  the  people  and 
among  surrounding  nations 

With  the  reign  of  Sesostris  a  new  era  was  inaugurated,  and  a 
mighty  impetus  to  general  civilization,  as  well  as  to  special  advance- 
ment, was  given  by  his  wisdom  and  foresight  Amenophis,  the  father 
of  Sesostris,  no  doubt  feeling  the  weight  of  impending  events,  foresaw 
the  necessity  of  preparing  him  to  meet  them.  He  not  only  took  great 
care  that  his  education  in  the  arts  and  sciences,  the  principles  of  gov- 
ernment, philosophy  and  the  art  of  war,  should  be  complete,  but  also 
caused  all  male  children  of  Egypt  born  the  same  day  he  was,  to  be  edu- 
cated with  him,  with  the  distinct  understanding  that  they  were  to  be 
his  future  comrades,  his  officers,  ministers  and  friends  in  the  aggressive 
wars  he  intended  he  should  engage  in  when  he  should  ascend  the 
throne.  It  is  said  that  the  celebrated  Mercurius  had  charge  over  them 
all,  especially  in  politics,  war  and  government 

The  first  war  Sesostris  engaged  in  was  against  the  Arabs,  which 
his  father  sent  him  upon  while  yet  quite  young,  that  he  might  acquire 
practical  knowledge  in  conducting  military  campaigns.  This  people, 
who  had  never  before  been  subdued,  he  conquered,  and  added  their 
country  to  Egypt.  The  next  year  he  invaded  Lybia,  a  country  to  the 
southwest  of  Egypt.  During  this  expedition  his  father  died,  leaving 


THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT.  55 

the  throne  to  him.  He  immediately  formed  a  no  less  design  than  of 
conquering  the  whole  world  This  was  in  1491  B.  C.,  and  he  was  prob- 
ably the  first  of  the  great  conquerors  of  ancient  times  who  conceived 
the  idea  of  reducing  the  world  to  a  single  form  of  government,  and 
most  assuredly  the  first  possessed  of  sufficient  wisdom  to  carry  out  so 
gigantic  an  undertaking.  The  manner  he  set  about  to  do  this,  and  the 
capacity  he  evinced  in  all  the  preparations,  we  shall  have  occasion  to 
compare  hereafter  with  that  pursued  and  shown  by  others  in  after  time, 
simply  remarking  here  that  it  is  safe  to  conclude  that  Sesostris  was 
great  among  the  greatest;  for,  to  boundless  ambition — possessed  by 
many — he  united  the  capacity  to  sustain  it,  which  few  can  boast  While 
making  the  most  extensive  preparations  for  raising  and  disciplining 
armies  for  foreign  operations,  he  was  not  less  active  in  providing  for 
sustaining  the  dignity  and  power  of  his  Government  during  his  absence, 
which  he  foresaw  would  give  opportunity  for  rivals  to  attempt  to  over- 
throw for  their  own  benefit.  His  first  army  consisted  of  600,000  foot, 
24,000  horse,  and  27,000  armed  chariots,  and  its  principal  officers  were 
the  1,700  youths  who  had  been  educated  with  him,  and  who  now  made 
it  possible  for  him  to  sec  are  perfect  discipline  and  the  greatest  effi- 
ciency 

With  this  army  he  first  invaded  and  conquered  Ethiopia,  and  made 
it  tributary  to  Egypt  He  next  fitted  out  an  expedition  of  400  sail, 
and  made  himself  master  of  all  the  islands  and  coasts  of  the  Eed  Sea, 
as  a  preparatory  step  to  the  conquest  of  Asia,  then  advanced  into  Asia, 
subduing  all  the  countries,  even  "beyond  the  Ganges."  Keturning 
westward,  he  conquered  Scythia,  Armenia,  Cappadocia,  Colchis,  and 
all  Asia  Minor :  then  crossed  into  Europe,  and  would  probably  have 
subdued  all  its  nations  had  he  not  encountered  a  great  scarcity  of  pro- 
visions in  Thrace,  which  caused  him  to  return.  Herodotus  says  that 
the  Egyptian  Empire  extended  from  the  Danube  even  beyond  the 
Ganges,  and  included  all  of  Africa,  and  that  all  over  this  vast  territory 
there  were  erected  pillars,  on  which  was  inscribed  "  Sesostris,  king  of 
kings  and  lord  of  lords,  subdued  this  country  by  the  power  of  his  arms ;" 
which,  while  it  displayed  a  commendable  spirit  in  marking  the  limits 
of  his  conquest,  it  at  the  same  time  evinces  a  growing  personal  vanity 
that  afterward  seriously  tarnished  his  early  fame. 

After  having  thus  conquered  the  then  entire  known  world,  Sesos- 
tris returned  to  Egypt  with  innumerable  captives  and  laden  with  spoils, 
and,  by  devoting  himself  to  enriching  and  benefiting  Egypt,  rather  than 
to  extending  his  dominions,  fame  and  grandeur,  showed  that  his  ambi- 


56  THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT. 

tion  had  expended  itself  in  his  first  great  campaign.  From  all  that  can 
be  gathered  of  his  reign  over  Egypt,  it  must  be  inferred  that  no  country 
before,  if  since,  was<  ever  more  happily  disposed  toward  its  sovereign. 
The  many  monuments  of  his  greatness,  throughout  his  dominions,  were 
covered  with  inscriptions,  asserting  that  all  Sesostris'  mighty  deeds  were 
accomplished  without  burdening  his  subjects;  but,  on  the  contrary, 
they  all  had  become  able,  through  them,  to  pass  the  remainder  of  their 
days  in  "calm  and  repose." 

Having  subdued  so  much  of  the  world,  had  he  been  equally  am- 
bitious to  extend  over  it  the  same  beneficent  Government  that  he  held 
over  Egypt — which  he  could  easily  have  done  through  the  numerous 
competent  persons  the  foresight  of  Amenophis  had  provided  him  with, 
who  were  well  versed  in  his  policy  and  administration  of  affairs — Sesos- 
tris would  undoubtedly  have  earned  and  been  entitled  to  the  appellation 
of  the  world's  benefactor.  It  appears,  however,  that  he  did  not  exert 
himself  at  all  in  this  direction,  but  was  content  to  receive  the  annual 
tributes  he  levied  to  enrich  Egypt  proper.  His  reasons  for  pursuing 
this  course,  rather  than  of  endeavoring  to  reward  his  most  worthy  ad- 
herents by  making  them  rulers  of  the  countries  they  had  assisted  him 
to  conquer,  are  incomprehensible,  and  that  they  should  not  have  urged 
him  to  it  equally  so.  When  it  is  considered  how  wisely  and  happily 
he  governed  Egypt,  it  can  be  imagined  how  vastly  he  might  have  bene- 
fited the  conquered  people  by  diffusing  correct  knowledge  of  the  art 
of  government  among  them  through  extending  his  rule  over  them. 

As  it  was,  it  came  about,  that  various  Egyptian  colonies  scattered 
here  and  there  over  the  conquered  country,  and  in  this  way  were  in- 
strumental in  spreading  the  wisdom  of  their  nation.  It  was  one  of 
these  colonies  that  afterward  became  the  famous  Athens — the  seat  of 
learning,  literature  and  philosophy.  It  was  about  this  time  also  that 
the  use  of  letters  was  introduced  by  one  Cadmus,  whom  the  Egyptians 
claimed  to  be  of  their  country ;  but  the  majority  of  writers  agree  that 
they  originated  in  Syria,  and  that  they  were  identical  with  the  H  ^braic. 
Of  these,  however,  there  were  but  sixteen,  four  others  being  added 
some  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  later,  and  the  remaining  four  a  long 
time  afterward. 

The  reign  of  Sesostris  may  justly  be  considered  as  having  pro- 
duced more  general  and  extended  influence  upon  the  world  than  that 
of  any  of  his  ancestors  of  any  country,  and  that  nothing  occurred  that 
can  hold  any  degree  of  comparison  to  it  until  the  time  of  Alexander, 
more  than  a  thousand  years  afterward.  Sesostris  was  succeeded  by 


THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT.  57 

Pheron,  and  he  by  Proteus,  who  dedicated  the  beautiful  temple  to 
"Venus  the  Stranger,"  supposed  to  be  "Helen  of  Troy,"  famous  for 
her  beauty,  and  who  was  stolen  by  Paris,  from  whom  she  was  taken  by 
Proteus  and  returned  to  the  Greeks. 

Under  succeeding  reigns,  the  glory  of  Egypt  began  to  decline, 
violence  and  cruelty  to  usurp  the  places  where  justice  and  moderation 
had  so  long  prevailed,  and  jealousies,  petty  malice  and  personal  ag- 
grandizement to  take  the  place  of  that  love  of  country  which  is  superior 
to  self;  nor  could  aught  else  have  been  expected  from  the  ill-advised 
luxury  and  ease  the  country  obtained  under  Sesostris,  which  should 
have  been  converted  into  action  and  expended  upon  tributary  nations. 
The  downward  tendency,  or  the  disintegrating  process,  having-  begun, 
demonstrated  that  the  principle  upon  which  Egypt  rose  and  flourished 
had  culminated,  and  was  now  to  be  disseminated  among  other  nations 
and  tribes.  Nor  could  any  effort  of  succeeding  rulers,  who  saw  the 
process  at  work  and  understood  the  causes  thereof,  stop  the  downward 
tendency,  which  continued  with  but  temporary  interruptions  until  the 
death  of  Tharaca,  687  years  B.  0.,  when  the  kingdom  remained  in  a 
state  of  anarchy,  until  twelve  noblemen  conspired  to  divide  it  among 
themselves.  For  some  superstitious  reasons  Psammetichus,  one  of 
the  twelve,  was  banished ;  but  he,  entering  into  a  league  with  some 
Greeks,  made  war  upon  the  eleven,  defeated  them,  and  again  united 
the  kingdom  under  one  rule,  and  remained  sole  possessor  of  it  until 
his  death. 

• 

Six  hundred  and  sixteen  years  B.  C.  one  Nechos  arose,  who  at- 
tempted the  cutting  of  a  canal  from  the  Nile  to  the  Bed  Sea,  but  was 
unsuccessful.  This,  however,  was  partly  atoned  for  by  the  accomplish- 
ment of  a  voyage  entirely  around  the  coast  of  Africa  by  some  skilful 
Phoenician  sailors  he  employed,  they  leaving  Egypt  by  the  Eed  Sea 
and  returning  by  the  way  of  the  Mediterranean  after  an  absence  of 
three  years.  This  passage  was  made  some  2,000  years  before  the  Por- 
tuguese discovered  this  way  to  the  Indies,  by  which  these  Phoenicians 
were  able  to  enter  the  Mediterranean  through  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar. 

Trouble  after  trouble  now  distracted  the  kingdom,  and  its  power 
and  influence  declined  with  every  reign,  until  the  Persians,  under  Cam- 
byses,  525  years  B.  C.,  subdued  it.  Since  the  downfall  of  the  Persian 
Empire,  Egypt  has  successively  been  subject  to  the  Macedonians,  Bo- 
mans,  Saracens,  Mamelukes,  and  lastly  the  Turks,  by  whom  it  is  now 
nominally  possessed.  The  late  iiccomplishment  of  the  project  Nechos 


58  THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT. 

failed  in  may  be  prophetic  of  radical  changes  in  the  condition  Egypt 
has  so  long  been  submerged  in— the  indications  being  favorable  for  a 
return  to  considerable  importance  among  the  nations  of  the  earth. 


THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT. 


[Revised  from  the  New  York  Herald  of  May  3d,  1870.]     . 
MRS.  WOODHULL'S  THIRD  LETTER. 

Nearly  all  historians  who  have  written  since  Josephus  have  en- 
deavored to  reconcile  sacred  and  profane  history.  This  task  Rollin 
attempts  regarding  the  origin  of  the  Assyrian  empire.  Diodorus  says 
that  "Ninus,  the  most  ancient  Assyrian  king,  performed  great  actions. 
Being  naturally  of  a  warlike  disposition,  and  ambitious  of  glory  which 
results  from  valor,  he  armed  a  considerable  number  of  young  men  that 
were  brave  and  vigorous,  like  himself,  and  trained  them  to  all  manner 
of  hardships."  This  Ninus,  Rollin  endeavors  to  make  it  appear,  was 
the  Nimrod  of  the  Scriptures,  and  the  Belus  who  was  afterward  wor- 
shiped as  a  god.  Calisthenes,  a  philosopher,  who  was  one  of  the  reti- 
nue of  Alexander  the  Great,  says  the  Babylonians  reckoned  their  origin 
back  some  115  years  after  the  Deluge,  which  would  be  about  2,250 
years  B.  C.  The  conflict  of  authority  upon  the  origin  of  this  empire, 
renders  it  competent  for  our  purpose  to  assume  this  date,  and  that  Nim- 
rod was  the  first  historic  king  of  Assyria. 

***** 

Assyria  is  supposed  to  have  derived  its  name  from  Asshur,  the 
son  of  Shem,  who,  the  Scripture  says,  settled  this  country.  Nimrod 
possessed  himself  of  the  province,  introduced  his  own  subjects  into  itr 
built  cities  and  made  himself  generally  beloved.  It  is  said  he  built 
Nineveh,  more  grand  and  magnificent  than  all  the  rest,  and  named  it 


THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT.  59 

after  his  son  Ninus,  who,  on  his  accession  to  the  throne,  conceived  the 
design  of  extending  his  conquests,  and  began  to  prepare  troops  and 
officers  capable  of  carrying  it  out  In  seventeen  years  he  conquered  all 
the  country  between  Egypt,  India  and  Bactriana,  which  last  country 
he  did  not  think  himself  strong  enough  to  attack  with  success. 

While  preparing  for  further  and  greater  conquests  he  also  de- 
termined to  immortalize  his  name  by  making  of  Nineveh  a  city  at 
once  commensurate  with  his  power  and  wealth.  His  design,  says  Dio- 
dorus,  was  "  to  make  it  the  largest  and  noblest  city  in  the  world,  and 
to  put  it  beyond  the  power  of  others  who  might  come  after  him  to  ever 
build  another  such.  Nor,''  as  Rollin  adds,  "  was  he  deceived  in  this  ; 
for  never  did  any  city  come  up  to  the  greatness  and  magnificence  of 
this."  It  was  eighteen  miles  and  three-quarters  long  and  eleven  miles 
and  one-quarter  broad,  and  was  surrounded  by  a  wall  one  hundred 
feet  high. 

Having  completed  Nineveh  he  pursued  his  intended  campaign 
against  the  Bactrians,  into  whose  country  he  marched  an  army  of 
1,700,000  foot,  200,000  horse  and  20,000  chariots,  armed  with  scythes. 
"With  this  vast  array  he  quickly  overran  the  whole  country  and  finally 
laid  siege  to  its  capital  This  city  was  strongly  fortified  and  stoutly 
defended,  so  much  so  that  Ninus  began  to  despair  of  reducing  it,  when 
the  wife  of  one  of  his  officers  advised  him  how  to  attack  its  citadels  so 
as  to  capture  them,  and  by  them  the  city.  This  woman  was  the  after- 
ward celebrated  Semiramis.  Ninus  made  use  of  her  advice,  and  the 
city  fell  into  his  hands  with  but  little  loss  to  him. 

Ninus,  finding  a  woman  possessed  of  such  remarkable  capacity  to 
aid  him  in  his  ambitious  designs,  at  once  conceived  for  Semiramis  the 
most  violent  passion.  Her  husband,  upon  hearing  this,  killed  himself 
to  escape  the  fury  of  Ninus.  Having  married  her,  he  not  long  after 
died — some  assert  by  her  connivance — and  left  the  kingdom  to  her. 

It  was  Semiramis  who  undertook  the  building  of  the  mighty 
Babylon,  in  which  work  she  employed  two  million  men.  Dr.  Prideaux 
tells  us  the  walls  around  Babylon  were  three  hundred  and  fifty  feet 
high  and  eighty  feet  thick,  and  that  it  contained  six  hundred  and 
seventy-six  squares  two  miles  and  a  quarter  in  circumference.  His  de- 
scription of  the  walls,  the  quays  and  bridges,  lakes,  ditches,  canals, 
palaces,  hanging-gardens  and  temple  of  Belus  presents  a  picture  of 
grandeur  and  magnificence  unknown  in  this  age.  Diodorus  also  says 
even  in  his  time  there  were  many  monuments  of  grandeur  still  stand- 
ing bearing  the  name  of  Semiramis. 


60  THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT. 

This  beautiful  and  extraordinary  woman  possessed  the  most  mar- 
velous control  over  all  she  came  in  contact  with.  Her  simple  presence 
was  sufficient  to  quell  any  tumult  or  mutinous  proceeding.  Not  satis- 
fied with  the  immense  possessions  left  her  by  Ninus,  she  conquered 
Ethiopia  and  the  larger  part  of  Africa.  Not  yet  content,  she  deter- 
mined upon  the  subjugation  of  India,  against  which  she  set  out 
with  3,000,000  foot,  500,000  horse  and  a  multitude  of  camels,  with 
which  she  thought  to  make  head  against  the  Indian  elephants.  After 
she  had  successfully  crossed  the  river  Indus  the  Indian  King  fell  upon 
her  army,  with  his  elephants,  with  such  fury  that  it  was  utterly  routed. 
Semiramis  was  by  this  defeat  compelled  to  give  over  the  conquest  of 
India.  Having  reigned  forty-two  years  she  resigned  the  throne  to 
Ninyas,  her  son,  whom  she  discovered  was  plotting  against  her  life,  as 
the  Jupiter  Ammon  of  Egypt  had  told  her  years  before  he  would. 
She  retired  from  the  eight  of  men,  hoping  speedily  to  have  divine 
honors  granted  her  name,  which  was  also  prophesied  for  her  by  the 
Egyptian  god. 

Of  these  vast  armies,  which  predicate  still  more  vast  population, 
Kollin  remarks :  "I  must  own  I  am  somewhat  puzzled  with  a  diffi- 
culty which  may  be  raised  against  the  extraordinary  things  related  of 
Ninus  and  Semiramis,  as  they  do  not  seem  to  agree  with  the  times  so 
near  the  deluge ;  I  mean  such  vast  armies ;  such  a  numerous  cavalry  • 
so  many  chariots  armed  with  scythes ;  such  immense  treasures  of  silver 
and  gold,  and  the  magnificence  of  the  buildings.  The  temple  of  Belus 
alone  contained  more  than  twenty  millions  pounds  sterling  hoarded 
treasure."  Rollin  argues  that  the  Greek  historians,  from  whom  he  com- 
piled, must  have  fallen  into  some  grave  errors,  since,  that  such  things 
should  have  occurred  so  soon  after  the  deluge,  presupposes  what  must 
have  been  beyond  the  range  of  possibility. 

The  Assyrian  empire,  having  attained  the  zenith  of  power  and 
magnificence  under  Semiramis,  began  to  sink  into  a  gradual  decay, 
the  kings  themselves  setting  the  example  of  indolence  and  dissipa- 
tion. This  process  of  decay  continued  until  the  time  of  Sardanapalus, 
about  700  years  B.  C.  He  surpassed  all  his  predecessors  in  effem- 
inacy, cowardice  and  licentious  luxury,  and  abandoned  himself  com- 
pletely to  pleasure,  wine  and  women  ;  even  dressing  and  painting  his 
cheeks  as  the  women  did.  It  seems  strange  that  a  people  so  used  to 
glory  and  conquest  should  not  have  sooner  revolted  against  such  de- 
bauchery and  dissoluteness.  This  was  left  for  one  Arbaces  to  do ;  he 
obtained  entrance  to  the  King's  palace,  and  with  his  own  eyes  wit- 


THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT.  61 

nessed  the  truth  of  the  reports  about  the  King.  Arbaces  at  once  began 
to  incite  rebellion  ;  by  his  reports  he  gained  over  the  governors  of  sev- 
eral provinces,  who  raised  an  army  and  marched  against  the  King, 
whom  they  succeeded  in  shutting  up  in  the  city  of  Nineveh.  The 
King  considered  Nineveh  impregnable,  but  the  river  Tigris  suddenly 
rose  to  a  great  height  and  broke  down  some  portions  of  the  walls  of 
the  city,  which  admitted  the  troops  of  the  rebellious  governors.  Sar- 
danapalus  then  proceeded  to  burn  himself,  his  women  and  treasure, 
which  latter,  according  to  Atheneus,  amounted  to  "  a  thousand  my- 
riads of  talents  of  gold  and  ten  times  as  much  silver,  each  myriad  of 
which  was  of  the  value  of  $7,000,000."  Such  treasure  we  in  this  age 
know  nothing  of.  After  the  death  of  Sardanapalus  the  empire  was 
dismembered,  and  the  kingdoms  of  Babylon,  Nineveh  and  Medea 
formed  from  its  ruins.  Between  these  there  was  constant  warfare 
waged.  During  the  time  of  Cyazares  a  horde  of  Scythian  barbarians 
devastated  the  three  kingdoms,  remaining  their  masters  until  the  people 
disposed  of  tliem  by  a  general  stratagem— slaughtering  them  while  drunk 
with  wine,  at  feasts  to  which,  by  concert,  each  family  of  Assyrians  had 
invited  them  upon  an  agreed  day.  Such  as  escaped  this,  fled  the 
country.  Cyazares,  after  repeated  efforts,  succeeded  in  utterly  destroy- 
ing Nineveh,  the  last  city  that  held  out  against  him,  and  with  the  aid 
cf  his  nephew,  Cyrus,  united  the  three  kingdoms  again  under  one 
government,  which  was  the  beginning  of  the  famous  empire  of  the 
Medes  and  Persians. 

Croesus,  King  of  Lydia,  is  here  entitled  to  a  slight  digressive  refer- 
ence on  account  of  the  influence  he  at  this  time  exercised.  Vast  riches 
in  most  kingdoms  had  led  to  indolence,  effeminacy  and  licentiousness ; 
bat  Croesus  thought  it  unworthy  for  any  person,  much  less  a  king,  to 
surrender  himself  to  these.  Not  only  was .  he  vastly  rich,  and  an  ex- 
traordinary conqueror,  but  his  chief  delight  consisted  in  literature  and 
science ;  he  patronized  the  learned  and  wise  of  all  nations  ;  so  much 
so  that  they  all  made  particular  effort  to  visit  his  dominions  to  receive 
his  assistance.  His  court  was  the  ordinary  residence  of  the  seven  wise 
men  of  Greece.  It  was  with  him  that  ^Esop,  the  author  of  the  Fables, 
flourished.  The  possession  of  these  characteristics  entitle  Crossus  to 
most  honorable  mention  and  memory,  and  he  should  be  regarded  as  a 
representative  king. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  Cyrus  was  the  first  king  of  Persia,  which 
by  conquest  he  enlarged  until  it  comprised  all  the  territory  bet  ween  the 
Tigris  and  Indus,  the  Caspian  Sea  and  Indian  Ocean.  His  uncle,  Cya- 


62  THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT. 

zares,  retained  Medeu.  He,  finding  himself  involved  in  a  terrible  war  with 
the  kings  of  several  provinces — among  whom  was  Croesus  of  Lidva — sent 
to  Cyrus  for  aid,  who  set  out  at  once  with  an  army  The  vast  preparations 
made  on  both  sides  culminated  in  the  battle  of  Thimbra — one  of  the  most 
remarkable  events  of  ancient  times — which  decided  the  empire  of  Asia 
against  the  Assyrians  and  in  favor  of  the  Persians.  This  battle  has 
always  been  the  study  of  great  commanders,  because  the  military 
genius  there  displayed  by  Cyrus  makes  him  rank  as  one  of  the  greatest 
of  generals.  After  reducing  all  the  smaller  nations  of  Asia  Minor, 
Cyrus  turned  his  whole  power  against  Babylon,  which  he  determined 
upon  destroying.  He  accomplished  its  capture  by  emptying  the  river 
Euphrates  into  the  vast  ditches  prepared  by  Semiramis,  and  marching 
his  army  over  its  dry  bed  into  the  city  at  night,  while  its  inhabitants 
were  engaged  in  some  general  entertainment.  Thus  the  mighty  city 
built  by  Semiramis  fell,  and  the  destruction  ceased  not,  until  not  even 
its  walls  remained  to  tell  the  story  of  its  grandeur. 

With  the  reunion  of  what  constituted  the  first  Assyrian  empire, 
the  conquests  of  Cyrus  seem  to  have  ceased.  He  turned  his  whole 
attention  to  perfecting  a  system  of  government  for  the  vast  country  he 
had  acquired.  This  he  accomplished  most  wisely.  All  historians 
agree  that  in  this  task  he  was  greatly  aided  by  the  wisdom  and  counsel 
of  Daniel  the  Prophet,  who  obtained  a  position  of  great  power  and  in- 
fluence. It  was  no  doubt  he  who  obtained  from  Cyrus  the  famous 
decree  regarding  the  Babylonish  captivity  of  the  Jews.  So  prosperous 
and  happy  did  the  empire  become  under  the  reign  of  Cyrus,  that  his- 
torians affirm  "that  after  his  death  he  was  universally  regarded  as  the 
common  father  of  the  people."  Having  reigned  seventy  years  he  died 
529  years  B.  C.,  leaving  the  empire  to  Cambyses,  his  son,  who  was  as 
great  in  crime  as  his  father  had  been  in  virtue.  He  caused  the  death 
of  his  only  brother,  Smerdis,  married  his  youngest  sister  (who  was  very 
beautiful),  and  afterward  killed  her  because  she  lamented  the  death 
of  Smerdis.  Happily  his  reign  was  cut  short  by  death,  having  lasted 
less  than  eight  years. 

It  was  not  generally  known  that  Cambyses  had  caused  the  death 
of  his  brother  Smerdis,  which  made  it  possible  for  Smerdis  the  magian 
to  usurp  the  throne,  giving  out  that  he  was  the  true  Smerdis.  He 
was  exposed  by  one  of  his  wives,  at  the  instance  of  a  nobleman  named 
Darius,  who  managed  to  slay  him,  and  was  then  unanimously  named 
king,  by  his  brother  noblemen,  for  having  done  so.  Soon  after  becom- 
ing king,  Darius,  with  an  army  of  1.000,000  men,  marched  into  Europe 


THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT.  63 

lo  chastise  the  Scythians  for  having  overrun  Assyria  in  the  time  of 
Cyazares.  The  expedition  resulted  disastrously  to  Darius,  who  could 
not  even  bring  the  Scythians  to  battle.  They  continually  retired  before 
him,  and  left  him  to  be  defeated  by  the  scarcity  of  provisions,  from 
which  cause  Darius  came  near  losing  his  whole  army,  and  was  obliged 
to  beat  a  hasty  retreat  to  his  own  country.  Darius  then  determined 
upon  the  conquest  of  India,  which  he  accomplished.  Of  the  particu- 
lars of  this  campaign  no  records  are  left,  though  it  is  known  that  In- 
dia remained  a  Persian  province  many  years,  and  paid  annual  tributes 
of  £50,0000  sterling.  Darius  was  the  only  conqueror  who  ever  subju- 
gated India  sufficiently  to  reduce  it  to  a  tributary  province ;  it  made 
the  twentieth  that  had  been  added  to  Persia. 

During  the  reign  of  Darius,  the  lonians  revolted  against  Persian 
control,  and  succeeded  in  involving  the  Athenians  with  them ;  they 
furnished  the  lonians  twenty  ships,  by  the  aid  of  which  Sardis  was 
captured  and  burned.  This  so  enraged  Darius  that  he  formed  a  solemn 
resolve  to  destroy  Greece.  Thus  began  that  implacable  strife  of  the 
Persians  against  the  Grecians,  by  which  Persian  power  was  almost 
destroyed,  and  in  which  the  Greeks  performed  the  most  remarkable 
exploits  known  in  military  history.  These,  coming  more  properly  un- 
der Grecian  summary,  it  will  only  be  remarked  here  that  Miltiades  on 
the  plains  of  Marathon,  Leonidas  at  Thermopylae,  Themistocles  at  Sala- 
inis,  Aristides  at  Plateee,  Leotychides  at  Mycale,  and  Simon  at  Eury- 
medon,  taught  the  Persian  monarchs  that  they  were  not  to  be  subdued 
by  them,  though  they  should  expend  their  mightiest  power  in  their 
attempts. 

So  exhausted  was  the  empire  from  the  Grecian  wars,  that  when 
the  Egyptians  revolted  during  the  reign  of  Darius  II.  he  found  him- 
self unable  to  subdue  them.  The  superb  empire  made  and  left  by 
Cyrus  the  Great  under  such  admirable  government  was  now  becoming 
thoroughly  corrupted  and  debauched,  and  was  given  to  all  species  of 
licentiousness  Its  former  glory  rapidly  departed,  and  the  elements  of 
destruction  were  actively  at  work  preparing  it  for  the  blow  Alexander 
of  Macedon  was  soon  to  deal  it,  from  which  it  was  destined  never  to 
recover. 

After  the  dismemberment  of  the  Macedonian  Empire,  Persia  in  part 
recovered,  but  became  the  field  for  constant  barbarian  inroads,  which 
kept  the  kingdom  in  poverty  and  misery.  Under  Chosron,  about  the 
year  600,  the  empire  again  extended  from  the  Indus  to  the  Mediter- 
ranean. Justinian  I.  waged  a  successful  war  against  Chosron,  and  com- 


64  THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT. 

pelled  a  disadvantageous  peace.  This  was  annulled  by  Chosron  II., 
who  again  raised  Persia  to  her  former  greatness  by  conquering  Egypt, 
Ethiopia,  Lydia  and  Yemen.  These  sudden  conquests  were  soon  lost, 
and  the  partially  resuscitated  empire  passed  into  a  rapid  decline.  At 
no  time  since  has  Persia  exerted  any  considerable  influence  upon  sur- 
rounding nations.  Under  Timour,  in  the  fourteenth  century,  and  the 
Turks  in  the  fifteenth,  it  decayed  rapidly ;  in  the  sixteenth  century  it 
became  nearly  extinct,  and,  as  a  nation,  it  remains  virtually  so  to  this 
day. 


THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOYEKNMENT. 


[Revised  from  the  New  York  Herald  of  May  9, 1870.] 

VICTORIA   C.  WOODS  ULL'S  FOURTH  PAPER — A  RETROSPECT  OF  ANCIENT 
GRECIAN   AND   ROMAN   HISTORY. 


[Below  we  present  the  fourth  subdivision  of  Mrs.  Woodhull's  trea- 
tise on  "  The  Tendencies  of  Government,"  from  which  it  will  be  per- 
ceived that  the  lady  has  delved  deep  into  the  mines  of  governmental 
lore,  and  is  vigorously  training  for  the  Presidential  sweepstakes  of 
1872 :] 

Eegarding  the  earliest  traditions  of  Greece,  it  can  be  said  they  are 
less  indefinite  than  those  of  Egypt  or  Assyria.  No  country  of  antiquity 
can  be  reverted  to  with  more  admiration  and  respect  than  this.  In 
whatever  light  her  history  is  considered,  illustrious  examples  of  true 
greatness  abound.  If  her  military  career  be  reviewed,  where  can  more 
glory  be  found  to  have  been  achieved  ?  If  her  government  be  exam- 
ined, where  has  greater  wisdom  and  moderation  ever  been  exercised  ? 
If  the  comparative  advancement  of  science,  literature,  art  and  philoso- 
phy made  within  her  domain  be  appealed  to,  where  has  greater  profi* 


THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT.  65 

ciency  ever  been  attained  ?  If  the  personal  characteristics  of  her  great 
men  be  analyzed,  where  has  patriotism  ever  risen  to  so  sublime  a  de- 
gree ?  In  many  respects  Greece  may  be  considered  the  school-house 
of  the  world,  wherein  it  has  been  taught  the  rudimentary  principles  of 
knowledge,  especially  that  species  of  knowledge  that  conduces  to  the 
development  of  wisdom. 

The  territory  of  ancient  Greece  was  by  no  means  the  Greece  of  to- 
day, but  embraced  all  that  country  lying  southward  from  Ilyria  and 
Thrace,  now  forming  a  part  of  Turkey  in  Europe.  It  then  consisted 
of  the  provinces  of  Epirus,  Peloponnesus,  Greece  proper,  Thessaly  and 
Macedonia,  besides  many  islands  in  the  ^Egean  Sea.  The  earliest  in- 
habitants of  Greece  of  whom  anything  is  known  were  the  Pelasgi,  who- 
"knew  no  other  law  than  force,  were  ignorant  even  of  agriculture,  and 
fed  on  roots  and  herbs.'  A  people  called  the  Hellenes,  from  Asia, 
mingled  with  them,  and  their  common  name  became  Greeks,  from 
Graecus,  the  sen  of  Pelasgus.  Although  Greece  was  afterward  the  seat 
of  so  much  knowledge  and  wisdom,  it  does  not  appear  that  these  origi- 
nated among  the  descendants  of  its  original  inhabitants,  but  that  they 
sprung  from  the  Phoenecian  and  Egyptian  colonies  that  from  various 
causes  found  their  way  into  Greece. 

Of  th3  constant  internal  strife  carried  on  between  the  several  Gre- 
cian provinces  no  mention  will  be  made.  The  first  of  these  to  arise 
was  Sicyon,  followed  by  Argos,  Mycena3,  Athens,  Sparta,  Corinth  and 
Macedon  When  the  population  of  any  of  these  became  large,  it  was 
the  custom  to  send  out  colonies,  thus  distributing  Grecian  influence, 
instead  of  by  war.  The  powerful  cities  of  Rhegium,  Syracuse,  Sybaris, 
Crotona,  Tarentum,  Gela,  Locris,  Messina,  Marseilles  and  Agrigentum, 
were  formed  from  such  colonies.  For  the  space  of  a  thousand  years,  or 
until  520  years  B.  C.,  the  Grecians  appear  to  have  confined  their  oper- 
ations within  their  own  dominions.  Being  continually  engaged  in  war 
with  each  other,  they  had  no  opportunity  of  carrying  on  aggressive 
warfare — this  was  never  a  Grecian  characteristic,  though  so  forcibly  il- 
lustrated by  Alexander  of  Macedon,  and  by  Cimon  and  Agesilaus,  for 
retaliation  rather  than  aggression. 

It  is  to  be  specially  observed  as  illustrating  the  part  Greece  per- 
formed in  the  general  advancement  and  diffusion  of  civilization  that 
while  all  other  great  nations  were  made  so  by  aggressive  conquests, 
Greece  rarely  ever  made  war  except  in  self-defence.  The  influence 
other  nations  had  upon  the  world  was  gained  by  conquering  contigu- 
ous countries.  The  influence  Greece  exercised  was  by  diffusing  among 
5 


66  THE   TENDENCIES   OF   GOVERNMENT. 

other  nations  the  principles  of  science,  philosophy  and  government  and 
"by  commercial  intercourse.  Thus  it  is  found  that  up  to  the  time  of 
the  first  Persian  invasion  there  had  been  no  concentration  of  the  mili- 
tary forces  of  the  several  provinces,  except  as  they  had  taken  sides 
against  each  other  in  their  feudal  wars. 

The  Persian  attempt  to  subjugate  Greece  was  most  unpropitious 
from  the  very  onset.  Mardonius  marched  a  large  army  into  the  very 
heart  of  Greece,  with  scarcely  any  opposition ;  but  his  fleet,  in  ap- 
proaching the  coast  of  Macedon,  encountered  a  storm,  and  was  de- 
stroyed Meanwhile,  Mardonius  took  no  pains  to  encamp  his  vast  armv 
in  a  place  or  form  of  security.  A  mere  band  of  Thracians,  taking  ad- 
vantage of  this,  fell  upon  the  Persians  in  the  night,  and  completely 
routed  the  whole  army.  This  double  defeat,  by  such  unexpected 
means,  caused  Mardonius  to  return  quickly  into  Asia. 

Nothing  daunted  by  this  defeat,  which  he  attributed  to  the  inex- 
perience of  Mardonius,  Darius  dispatched  another  army,  consisting  of 
500,000  men  and  600  ships  Thef  fleet  first  captured  Eretrea,  while  the 
army  caused  such  consternation  in  Greece  that  only  Sparta,  of  all  the 
provinces,  responded  to  the  Athenian  call  for  succor.  The  Spartan 
troops,  even,  did  not  arrive  in  time  to  participate  in  the  battle  of  Mara- 
thon, where  Miltiades,  with  10,000  Athenians,  completely  routed  the 
whole  Persian  army.  This  victory  gained  by  the  Greeks  over  an  army 
outnumbering  theirs  nearly  twenty  times,  was,  no  doubt,  the  inspiring 
cause  bv  which  all  succeeding  victories  over  the  Persians  were  gained. 

»/  O  o 

It  taught  the  Greeks  that  a  few  determined  men,  fighting  in  defence  of 
their  country,  were  mightier  than  a  multitude  with  no  such  incentive. 
Through  the  course  of  succeeding  ages  the  Grecians  exhibited  a  noble 
emulation  of,  and  desire  to  imitate,  if  not  excel,  their  ancestors,  who 
fought  and  conquered  at  Marathon. 

Xerxes,  the  successor  of  Darius,  persisting  in  his  determination 
to  destroy  Greece,  crossed  the  Hellespont  on  a  "bridge  of  boats,"  with 
an  army  of  1,700,000  and  80,000  horse,  to  which  submitting  countries 
added  300,000,  so  that  he  appeared  before  the  pass  of  Thermopylas 
with  2,000,000  men.  Against  this  force  Leonidas  opposed  12,000 
Spartans  and  allies.  The  whole  power  of  the  Athenians  had  been 
turned  into  preparations  for  naval  warfare,  which,  as  the  sequel  showed, 
was  the  salvation  of  Greece  The  manner  in  which  Leonidas  and  his 
300  Spartans  defended  Thermopylae,  still  further  raised  the  determina- 
tion of  the  Greeks  to  resist  after  the  same  fashion  all  movements  of 
the  invaders.  On  the  same  day  as  the  battle  of  Thermopylae  a  great, 


THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT.  6T 

though  indecisive,  naval  battle  was  fought  at  Artemesium.  Xerxes  ad- 
vanced upon,  captured  and  burned  Athens.  The  fate  of  Greece  seemed 
decided ;  but  the  great  naval  battle  of  Salamis  entirely  changed  the 
face  of  affairs.  Xerxes  being  secretly  informed  that  it  was  the  inten- 
tion of  Themistocles  to  proceed  with  the  Athenian  fleet  and  destroy  his- 
"  bridge  "  across  the  Hellespont,  precipitately  abandoned  Greece,  leav- 
ing Mardonius  with  300,000  men  and  instructions  to  subdue  Greece 
"if  he  was  able."  At  the  battle  of  Plataea,  which  soon  followed, 
Mardonius  was  completely  defeated,  and  the  same  day  the  remainder 
of  the  Persian  fleet  was  destroyed  at  Mycale. 

Having  thus  rid  themselves  of  the  Persians  the  Athenians  set 
about  to  rebuild  their  city.  The  Spartans,  fearing  Athens  would  gain 
great  naval  superiority  over  them,  opposed  it ;  thus  the  Grecians  were 
no  sooner  rid  of  a  common  foe  than  strife  broke  out  among  them- 
selves. This  tendency  arose  from  the  process  of  individualization  and 
is  specially  illustrative  of  the  progress  of  evolution.  Athens  was  re- 
built, and,  as  the  Spartans  feared,  soon  exceeded  all  other  States  in 
power  and  splendor.  Athens  also  became  the  centre  of  the  arts  and 
sciences,  knowledge  of  which  was  at  this  time  rapidly  developed. 
Sparta,  no  longer  able  to  endure  the  overbearing  pride  of  Athens,, 
brought  on  the  Peloponnesian  war.  This  war  devastated  Greece  and 
enslaved  Athens.  Sparta  in  turn  was  compelled  to  yield  to  Epami- 
nondas,  the  Theban.  In  spite  of  this  terrible  war,  poets,  philosophers, 
artists  and  statesmen  continued  to  arise,  commerce  flourished  and  the 
customs  of  the  people  were  raised  to  the  highest  degree  of  perfection. 

But  a  time  of  unhappiness  soon  came  upon  this  too  prosperous 
condition.  Philip  of  Macedon,  bold  and  cunning,  took  advantage  of 
the  dissensions  that  at  all  times  prevailed,  and  by  a  sudden  coup  de 
main  thought  to  make  himself  master  of  all  Greece.  It  can  be  asserted 
that  not  Greece,  but  one  man,  for  forty-eight  years  continually  frus- 
trated the  designs  of  Philip,  who  himself  said,  "  The  eloquence  of 
Demosthenes  did  me  more  harm  than  all  the  armies  and  fleets  of  the 
Athenians.  His  harangues  are  like  machines  of  war  and  batteries 
raised  at  a  distance,  by  which  all  my  projects  and  enterprises  are  ruined. 
Had  I  been  present  and  heard  that  vehement  orator  declaim  I  should 
have  been  the  first  to  conclude  that  it  was  necessary  to  declare  war 
against  me.  Nor  can  I  reach  him  with  gold,  for  in  this  respect,  by 
which  I  have  gained  so  many  cities,  I  find  him  invincible."  Antipater 
also  says  of  him,  "  I  value  not  the  galleys  nor  armies  of  the  Athe- 
nians. Demosthenes  alone  I  fear.  Without  him  the  Athenians  are  no> 


68  THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVEKNMENT. 

better  than  the  meanest  Greeks.  It  is  he  that  arouses  them  from  their 
lethargy  and  puts  arms  into  their  hands  almost  against  their  will. 
Incessantly  representing  the  battle  of  Marathon  and  Salamis,  he  trans- 
forms them  into  new  men.  Nothing  escapes  his  penetrating  eye,  nor 
his  consummate  prudence.  He  foresees  all  our  designs ;  he  counter- 
mines all  our  projects  and  disconcerts  us  in  everything.  Did  the 
Athenians  confide  in  him  and  follow  his  advice  we  should  be  irre- 
mediably undone." 

From  all  that  can  be  gathered  about  this  remarkable  man  it  may 
seriously  be  considered  whether,  had  he  had  the  power  of  a  Sesostris, 
a  Cyrus  or  an  Alexander,  he  would  not  have  conquered  and  ruled  the 
world.  But  the  Athenians  failed  to  follow  his  advice,  and  were  re- 
duced to  submission  to  Macedon  by  the  youthful  Alexander,  who 
said  of  him,  when  he  passed  Thermopylae,  ' '  Demosthenes  called  me  a 
child  when  I  was  in  Illyria ;  he  called  me  a  young  man  when  I  was 
in  Thessaly :  I  must  now  show  him  before  Athens  that  I  am  a  man 
grown." 

After  the  conquest  was  complete  Alexander  summoned  at  Corinth 
representatives  from  the  several  Grecian  States,  and  requested  from 
them  the  supreme  command  of  all  their  armies  against  the  Persians. 
No  assembly  ever  held  was  embryotic  of  more  momentous  events.  It 
was  the  Western  World  taking  counsel  and  resolving  upon  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Eastern,  and  was  the  initiatory  step  to  almost  incredible 
events,  and  to  the  revolutions  that  were  to  change  the  condition  of 
the  whole  world,  through  the  unexampled  career  of  him  who  caused  its 
assembling. 

After  the  death  of  Alexander,  the  several  Grecian  States  renewed 
the  struggle  for  freedom.  The  Romans,  who  had  risen  in  the  West, 
becoming  involved  in  the  strife,  proved  fatal  to  Greece ;  for  in  the  year 
146  B.  C.  the  capture  of  Corinth  reduced  Greece  to  a  Roman  province. 

During  the  whole  period  of  strife  from  the  battle  of  Plata3a,  the 
arts  and  sciences  flourished  in  a  most  extraordinary  manner.  Indeed, 
it^was  the  golden  age  of  art.  The  Grecian  colonies  were  still  more 
prosperous  than  their  mother  country.  Alexandria,  in  Egypt,  especially, 
became  famous  as  the  seat  of  learning.  In  the  time  of  Augustus,  the 
Greeks  lost  even  the  shadow  of  their  former  freedom  and  ceased  to  be 
an  independent  people ;  but  they  became  the  instructors  of  their  con- 
querors ;  for  their  language,  manners,  customs,  learning,  arts  and  tastes 
spread  over  the  whole  Roman  empire.  After  a  time  the  Romans  came 
to  esteem  the  Greeks  as  the  most  worthless  of  creatures. 


THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT.  69 

Asiatic  luxury,  acquired  from  the  Persians,  nad  wholly  corrupted  the 
Greek's  ancient  love  of  freedom,  and  a  mean  servility  became  substituted 
therefor.  At  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century  the  people  scarcely 
showed  a  single  trace  of  their  former  noble  characteristics  of  simplicity 
and  grandeur ;  and  thus  Greece  passed  into  her  condition  of  unim- 
portance. 


E  o  M  E . 

Rome  originally  was  out  an  insignificant  city,  founded  on  the 
banks  of  the  Tiber  by  some  herdsmen,  whose  small  numbers  were 
swelled  somewhat  "by  strangers  and  outcasts  from  all  the  country 
about."  The  herdsmen  were  without  doubt  Pelesgians,  who  had  pre- 
viously occupied  the  more  easterly  portions  of  Europe.  The  language 
they  introduced  bears  unmistakable  evidence  of  similarity  to  the  Greek. 
That  a  people  so  humble  as  the  original  Romans  were,  who  labored 
principally  upon  an  unproductive  soil  for  sustenance,  should  have  in- 
creased in  numbers,  power  and  influence,  so  as  to  rule  the  world, 
seems  almost  incredible ;  but  so  it  was. 

A  three-fold  division  of  the  people  was  early  spoken  of,  probably 
representing  as  many  different  tribes.  Each  of  these  tribes  was  divided 
into  ten  smaller  bodies  called  "  Curial ;  "  in  war  these  divisions  were 
represented  by  thirty  centuries  that  made  up  the  "legion." 

There  were  very  few  women  among  the  early  Romans.  They 
seized  011  some  Sabine  women  who.  came  among  them  to  witness  their 
games,  which  seizure  caused  a  war  with  the  Sabines ;  the  result  of  the 
war  was  the  union  of  the  Sabines  with  the  Romans,  and  the  extension 
among  them  of  the  same  rules  and  divisions  that  existed  among  the 
Romans.  This  first  conquest  was  prophetic  of  all  future  conquests, 
terminating  as  it  did  by  the  conquered  country  being  added  to  Rome 
to  increase  its  territory  and  power.  The  system  of  conquest  thus  be- 
gun continued  with  more  or  less  activity  during  four  centuries,  when 
Rome  had  acquired  nearly  all  the  country  as  far  east  as  the  Euphrates. 
500  years  B.  C.  Tarquin,  the  last  king,  was  expelled  by  the  Senate,  and 
the  Roman  republic  began.  During  its  first  century,  contentions  among 
themselves  prevented  the  Romans  from  materially  extending  their  con- 
quests. About  the  eightieth  year  of  the  republic  the  Gauls  first  at- 
tacked, captured  and  plundered  Rome ;  nor  could  the  Romans  expel 
them  until  the  banished  Consul  Camillus  was  recalled  to  command  the 


70  THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT. 

armies.  Soon  after  this,  rapid  strides  to  greatness  were  made,  and 
Home  became  the  centre  of  attraction  for  the  world.  All  countries, 
not  already  Roman,  sought  alliance,  thereby  hoping  to  escape  conquest 

It  was  during  this  time  of  glory  that  luxury  was  first  admitted 
and  practised  by  Eomans ;  and,  as  in  all  other  countries,  it  laid  the 
foundation  for  future  ruin,  by  introducing  into  use  licentious,  vicious, 
and  effeminate  practices,  where  simplicity,  purity  and  honor  had  pre- 
viously held  full  sway. 

Two  hundred  and  eighty  years  B.  C.  the  Carthagenians  forming 
an  alliance  with  the  King  of  Syracuse  brought  on  the  first  Punic  war. 
The  Syracusans  soon  deserted  to  the  Romans  and  ever  remained  con- 
stant to  them.  The  Romans  had  now  acquired  such  love  of,  and  thirst 
for,  glory  that  they  were  considered  unconquerable.  In  Sicily  they 
gained  great  naval  victories,  and  Africa  trembled  when  her  fleets 
neared  its  shores.  The  Carthagenians,  through  the  advice  of  the  Lace- 
demonian, Xantippus,  defeated  the  army  commanded  by  Regulus  and 
captured  him ;  he  subsequently  lost  his  life  at  the  hands  of  the  Car- 
thagenians for  opposing  at  Rome  the  conclusion  of  peace.  The  war 
continued  by  the  advice  of  Regulus,  turned  in  favor  of  the  Romansr 
and  the  Carthagenians  were  compelled  to  accept  the  terms  of  peace 
offered  by  the  Romans,  thus  ending  the  first  Punic  war. 

The  conquest  of  Seguntum  by  the  Carthagenians,  contrary  to  tne 
terms  of  peace,  led  to  the  second  Punic  war,  in  which  the  celebrated 
Hannibal  figured  so  conspicuously,  and  for  a  time  made  Rome  tremble. 
From  this  temporary  fear  the  Romans  emerged  more  terrible  than  ever. 
They  not  only  put  a  stop  to  the  victorious  career  of  Hannibal,  but 
conquered  Spain,  and,  crossing  into  Africa,  compelled  the  recalling  of 
Hannibal  to  defend  Carthage.  The  famous  battle  of  Zama  ensued,  in 
which  both  Hannibal  and  Scipio  displayed  the  greatest  military  talent 
The  study  of  this  battle  has  since  been  the  admiration  of  all  great 
military  captains.  The  victorious  Romans  dictated  again  the  terms  of 
peace,  which  Carthage  was  obliged  to  accept.  Thus  ended  the  second 
Punic  war. 

The  ambition  of  Rome  now  increased  to  such  an  immoderate  ex- 
tent as  to  threaten  the  reduction  of  the  whole  world  to  submission. 
Macedon  and  Syria  endeavored  to  make  head  against  them,  but  noth- 
ing could  withstand  the  irresistible  power  of  the  perfectly  disciplined 
Roman  legions.  Macedon  was  glad  to  end  the  war  by  becoming  a  Ro- 
man province,  and  Syria,  to  escape  total  destruction,  by  ceding  to  Rome 
the  larger  portion  of  her  territory. 


THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT.  71 

Carthage,  the  former  powerful  rival  of  Home,  still  existed,  which 
so  annoyed  the  Eomans  that  its  destruction  was  determined  upon  and 
accomplished  by  the  third  Punic  war,  which  ended  145  years  B.  C. 
The  complete  subjugation  of  all  the  Greek  and  Spanisli  provinces  im- 
mediately followed,  and  Eoman  power  was  unparalleled.  This  begat 
a  spirit  of  intolerance  which  goaded  many  of  her  conquered  provinces 
into  revolt.  Combining  their  armies,  they  for  a  time  successfully  re- 
sisted the  Romans.  Pompey,  coming  into  command,  rapidly  crushed 
out  all  resistance.  Internal  contentions  between  the  several  factions 
at  Eome  quickly  followed  the  reduction  of  the  formidable  revolt. 
Cgesar,  Pompey  and  Crassus,  more  active  than  the  rest,  divided  the 
government  between  themselves.  This  was  the  first  triumvirate. 
Cassar  would  have  no  equal,  and  Pompey  could  endure  no  superior. 
The  rivalry  between  these  two  powerful  men  was  the  initiatory  step  to 
the  conditions  that  rained  the  republic.  Cossar  obtained  the  consulate 
and  government  of  Gaul,  and  began  to  lay  the  foundation  for  his  future 
greatness  by  extending  his  military  enterprises  in  all  directions.  He 
defeated  the  Swiss,  conquered  the  Germans,  subdued  the  Belgians,  re- 
duced the  whole  of  Gaul,  invaded  Britain,  imposed  tributes  upon  the 
people  everywhere,  and  became  the  master  spirit  of  the  time. 

When  Cossar  returned  to  Eome  Pompey  fled.  Caesar  then  became 
perpetual  dictator.  This  was  about  50  years  B.  C.  Pursuing  Pom- 
pey into  Greece,  Cassar  defeated  him  at  the  great  battle  of  Pharsalia, 
and  thus  overcame  all  opposition  to  unlimited  power.  In  this  posses- 
sion Ccesar  became  so  intolerably  overbearing  that  a  conspiracy  was 
formed  against  him,  which  resulted  in  his  death  at  the  hands  of  Bru- 
tus. The  love  of  the  people,  especially  the  women,  remained  Cassar's, 
so  the  new  ruler  found  no  peace.  The  strife  between  Brutus,  Antony, 
and  Octavius  waxed  warm,  and  Eome,  as  in  the  days  of  Marius  and 
Scylla,  became  the  scene  of  infamy  and  horror.  Octavius  and  Antony, 
overcoming  all  opposition,  divided  the  empire  between  them.  Octavius 
remained  in  the  west ,  Antony  went  to  the  east,  and  there  became 
enamored  of  Cleopatra,  the  Egyptian  Queen,  for  whom  he  abandoned 
Octavio,  the  sister  of  Octavius.  This  brought  about  a  conflict,  and 
Octavius  proceeded  to  the  east  with  a  great  army  to  chastise  Antony. 
By  the  treachery  of  Cleopatra,  whose  army  and  navy  deserted  to 
Octavius,  Antony  was  totally  defeated.  The  treachery  of  Cleopatra 
determined  him  to  take  his  life,  which  in  turn  caused  her  such  grief 
that  she  sought  and  found  relief  through  the  aspen's  bite. 


72  THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVEENMENT. 

Octavius  thus  became  sole  master  of  the  mightiest  empire  the 
world  had  ever  beheld.  It  comprised  nearly  every  country  then  known 
under  a  universal  monarchy.  Octavius  assumed  the  title  of  Augustus 
Caesar,  and  reigned  over  this  mighty  empire  forty -five  years  with  the 
most  consummate  skill  and  prudence,  and  with  a  profound  apprecia- 
tion of  the  position  he  occupied  It  was  during  his  reign  that  literature 
flourished  so  extensively.  The  best  literary  age  of  all  countries  has 
since  been  called  its  Augustan  age,  as  likened  to  that  of  Rome  under 
him.  In  the  thirtieth  year  of  his  reign  Jesus  Christ  was  born.  The 
Roman  Empire  at  this  time  assumed  its  proudest  and  grandest  pitch  of 
power  and  glory,  which  will  ever  be  the  wonder  and  admiration  of 
coming  ages,  until  another  nation  shall  arise  to  a  greater  and  still  more 
glorious  condition,  of  which  Rome  will  forever  remain  prophetic  until 
fulfilled. 

From  the  reign  of  Augustus  to  Constantino  the  Great,  who  trans- 
ferred the  capital  to  Byzantium,  the  empire  sustained  a  series  of  good 
and  bad  rule,  and  declined  somewhat  from  its  previous  proud  position. 
On  the  death  of  Constantine  the  Great,  Constantine  II. ,  Constantius 
and  Constance  divided  the  empire.  Constantine  II.  had  all  Europe 
west  of  the  Alps ;  Constantius  Italy,  Sicily  and  Africa  ;  and  Constance 
Asia,  Egypt  and  the  whole  East.  This  division  was  the  beginning  of 
the  great  disasters  that  came  fast  upon  Rome.  Constantine  and  Con- 
stantius being  disposed  of  by  treason,  Constance  usurped  the  whole 
power ;  being  destitute  not  only  of  all  capacity  for  so  extended 
rule,  but  also  of  all  honor,  the  empire  began  to  disorganize.  During 
his  reign  and  that  of  his  successor,  until  Theodosius,  about  the  year 
400,  country  after  country  successfully  revolted  against  the  power  of 
Rome.  Everything  in  which  her  former  renown  and  glory  consisted 
degenerated,  until  Rome  was  precipitated  into  that  condition  which  ul- 
timated  in  her  entire  destruction,  so  that  she  who  so  lately  was  the 
proud  mistress  of  the  world,  was  unable  to  resist  the  barbarians  of 
Northern  Europe,  who  extinguished  her  light,  thereby  leaving  the 
world  in  the  midnight  and  anarchy  of  the  "Dark  Ages." 


MODERN      EUROPE. 

With  the  downfall  of  Rome  that  portion  of  history  called  ancient 
ceases.     The  numerous  provinces  of  Europe  that  had  been  under  the 


THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT.  73 

Roman  power  were  completely  under  the  control  of  the  various  barba- 
rians who  had  destroyed  that  power.  Out  of  this  condition  of  anarchy 
modern  Europe  rose.  As  it  consists  of  a  number  of  countries  their 
separate  histories  will  not  be  considered ;  only  such  prominent  facts 
regarding  the  whole  will  be  observed  as  seem  to  indicate  and  mark  its 
general  progressive  steps. 

From  the  fall  of  Rome  in  476  to  the  time  of  Charlemagne  in  800, 
Western  Europe  was  the  scene  of  those  operations  that  determined  its 
present  divisions.  The  barbaric  tribes  that  occupied  it  were  the  Van- 
dals, Suevi,  Alans,  Visigothsj  Burgundians,  Germans,  Franks,  Lom- 
bards, Angles,  Saxons  and  Huns.  The  Yisigoths  founded  Spain ;  the 
Angles  and  Saxons  formed  the  seven  kingdoms  of  Britain ;  the  Germans 
fixed  themselves  on  the  Danube,  and  from  these  grew  all  the  German 
States ;  the  Lombards  had  Italy,  and  the  Franks  France.  During  this 
period  Mohammed  founded  an  empire  in  Asia,  out  of  the  ruins  of  which 
most  of  the  monarchies  of  Western  Asia  arose. 

Charlemagne  was  the  ruling  spirit  of  what  may  be  termed  the 
second  period  of  modern  European  history,  from  800  to  1074.  Under 
him  France  took  form  and  rank  as  one  of  the  first  powers  of  the  world, 
and  has  never  since  been  entirely  divested  of  it.  He  temporarily  re- 
established the  Western  Empire,  but  with  his  death  it  went  to  pieces. 
Spain  was  the  theatre  of  the  terrible  wars  between  the  Moors  and  Chris- 
sians.  The  seven  Saxon  kingdoms  were  united  by  Egbert,  who  be- 
came the  first  King  of  England.  The  whole  north  of  Europe  was  still 
barbarous,  and  frequently  poured  its  hordes  over  the  civilization  in  the 
south  that  was  struggling  for  existence.  The  Danes  ravaged  England, 
and  became  masters  of  it ;  while  Germany,  under  Otho  the  Great,  rose 
to  great  power.  The  other  present  European  States  were  still  in  ob- 
scurity. 

The  third  period  of  modern  European  history  extended  from  1074 
to  1453.  During  this  period  the  German  Empire  was  the  scene  of  con- 
stant quarrels  between  the  Emperors  and  the  Popes,  under  the  factions 
called  Guelphs  and  Ghibelines,  which  dimmed  the  lustre  Otho  had 
conferred  on  it ;  Naples  and  Sicily  were  erected  into  kingdoms  by  the 
Normans ;  Denmark  arose  to  some  importance  under  Wildemar  II. ;  in 
France,  legislation  and  police  restraints  were  introduced,  but  ,her  power 
was  nearly  crushed  by  Edward  III.  of  England,  which  country  was  in 
turn  deluged  in  blood  by  the  "  Wars  of  the  Roses ;  "  Genoa  and  Yen- 
ice  increased  in  rank  and  importance ;  Spain  still  suffered  from  the 
Moors ;  Portugal  became  a  distinct  kingdom ;  Sweden  and  Norway 


74:  THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT. 

came  into  existence ;  Russia  emerged  from  the  barbaric  rule  of  the  Tar- 
tars ;  Poland  put  on  the  royal  dignity  ;  Hungary  and  Bohemia  were 
added  to  Austria,  and  the  Turkish  Empire  rose  to  great  power,  putting- 
an  end  to  the  Eastern  Empire.  The  arts  and  sciences  began  to  be  cul- 
tivated again  in  the  West,  and  literature  and  learning  to  flourish. 
Many  inventions  were  produced,  such  as  paper  making,  printing,  en- 
graving, painting  in  oil,  gunpowder,  and  the  mariner's  compass,  and 
this  brings  us  to  the  fourth  period  of  history,  which  was  pregnant  with 
events  that  were  to  modify  and  change  the  general  conditions  of  th& 
world. 

The  fourth  period  extended  two  hundred  years  to  1650.  In  it 
America  and  the  West  Indies  were  discovered.  The  Reformation, 
brought  about  great  changes  in  very  many  respects  in  nearly  every 
European  country,  many  of  which  underwent  important  revolutions. 
Germany  made  important  legislative  improvements  ;  feudal  government 
was  destroyed  in  France ;  Spain  became  a  Christian  kingdom  ;  England 
rose  to  great  power,  especially  under  Elizabeth  ;  Italy  divided  herself 
into  numerous  small  States  ;  Switzerland  became  a  republic  ;  the  prov- 
inces of  Holland  declared  their  independence  of  Spain  ;  Poland  flour- 
ished ;  Denmark  became  of  importance ;  affairs  in  Russia  assumed  a 
new  appearance,  the  power  of  the  Tartars  being  destroyed,  and  the  Ot- 
toman Empire  became  grand  under  Solyman  II. 

About  1650,  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  historic  period,  the  politi- 
cal systems  of  Europe  began  to  undergo  considerable  change,  which, 
from  various  causes,  continued  until  the  time  of  Bonaparte.  Revolu- 
tions in  England,  France,  Germany  and  Russia  caused  various  modi- 
fications, not  only  in  the  limits  of  the  various  countries,  but  also  in 
their  governments.  England  and  France  seemed  to  divide  the  other 
Powers  about  equally  in  the  support  and  continuance  of  their  wars ; 
the  general  configuration  of  Europe,  however,  did  not  sustain  any  radi- 
cal changes.  This  period  is  important  in  another  and  new  aspect. 
Colonies  from  all  the  western  kingdoms  were  continually  going  to  the 
new  America — that  country  which  should  in  future  exercise  such  con- 
trol over  the  destinies  of  the  world. 

From  time  to  time  in  the  history  of  the  world  there  have  arisen 
single  great  men  who  by  the  grandeur  of  their  enterprises  and  the  power 
of  their  intellect  and  ambition,  have  left  indelible  impressions  of  them- 
selves upon  its  history  and  condition.  Such  were  Sesostris,  Cyrus,  Al- 
exander, Caesar  and  Charlemagne.  Though  they  all  possessed  many 
traits  of  character  which  the  present  age  canno>;  admire,  they  must  ever 


THE   TENDENCIES   OF   GOVERNMENT.  75 

be  regarded  as  having  given  general  civilization  those  great  impulses 
that  have  so  rapidly  evolved  the  world  from  barbarism. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  next  period  another  great  man  appeared, 
the  waves  of  whose  power  were  felt  over  the  whole  world,  and  who,  by 
the  grandeur  of  his  conceptions,  power  and  executive  will,  rose  from 
obscurity  to  dictate  to  Europe,  which  was  at  that  time  the  world. 
From  1789  to  1815  may  justly  be  styled  the  Bonapartean  period.  It 
would  be  superfluous  to  recapitulate  his  career  ;  nor  would  it  be  less  so 
to  trace  the  rescuing  of  America  from  the  savages  by  the  resistless  ad- 
vance of  civilization,  which,  since  the  settlement  of  Jamestown,  in 
1607,  has  made  such  unexampled  progress  in  all  things  that  pertain 
to  greatness,  grandeur  and  glory — in  literature,  science,  art  and  govern- 
ment. 

Before  closing  the  resume  of  general  history  it  should  be  observed 
that  many  great  events  have  been  passed  unnoticed,  the  principal  aim 
having  been  to  follow  the  western  tendency  of  empire,  and  to  present 
only  such  facts  as  were  prominent  in  forming  standards  of  progress, 
perpetual  landmarks  and  historic  eras.  In  Asia  particularly,  great 
events  occurred,  such  as  the  career  of  Ghengis  Khan  and  Tamerlane. 
The  former,  it  is  computed,  slaughtered  fifteen  millions  of  human  beings 
during  his  reign.  The  efforts  of  such  as  he  were  the  last  struggles  of 
barbarians  to  arrest  the  onward  course  of  general  progress.  Though 
for  a  time  triumphant  in  their  course  the  genius  of  progress  could 
never  be  entirely  eradicated  where  once  it  had  found  root  and  growth. 
'China  and  India  have  been  passed  because,  for  the  most  part,  they  have 
been  confined  within  themselves  ;  the  reason  whereof  will  be  discussed 
herea  t  >r. 


THE  TENDENCIES  OP  GOVERNMENT. 


[Revised  from  the  New  lork  Herald  of  May  10,  1870.] 

VICTORIA  c.  WOODHULL'S  LAST  LESSON  IN   POLITICAL  HISTORY. 

[The  following  communication  from  Mrs.  Woodhull,  who,  as  the 
public  is  already  informed,  has  devoted  herself  to  enlightenment  on  the 
question  of  government,  will  be  found  as  interesting  as  any  of  her 


76  THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT. 

previous  letters  on  the  same  subject.      This  is  Mrs.  "Woodhull's  con- 
cluding letter  on  the  Tendencies  of  Government :] 

In  entering  upon  the  next  and  third  part  of  the  subject,  we  are 
conscious  of  the  imperfect  construction  of  the  second.  It  must  be  re- 
membered that  the  purpose  of  the  resume  was  not  to  give  consecutive 
historic  detail,  but  to  mark  such  special  facts  as  evidently  show  there 
was  a  progressive  and  consecutive  rise  and  fall  of  nations.  Without 
apology  for  omissions  and  minor  errors,  we  proceed  to  the  consideration 
whether  the  facts  elicited  from  history  form  a  consecutive  chain  of 
progress,  by  which  the  world  has  been  evolved  from  barbarism,  and 
whether  this  evolution  has  been  according  to  present  philosophic  for- 
mulas. The  first  and  most  prominent  fact  that  becomes  obvious  to  the 
observer  of  general  history  is  that  the  progress  of  empire  has  always 
been  from  the  east,  westward.  The  progress  of  the  earth  in  its  daily 
rotation  upon  its  own  axis  and  also  in  its  orbital  movement  around  the 
sun  is  toward  the  east.  This  is  believed  to  explain  the  order  main- 
tained by  the  course  of  empire.  Motion  being  in  the  direction  of  the 
least  resistance,  the  general  tendency  of  the  surface  influence  of  the 
earth  must  be  west.  Counter  side  influences  have  at  times  caused  de- 
iviations  from  straight  lines,  but  this  only  makes  the  general  proposi- 
tion still  more  forcible.  Therefore,  as  a  general  proposition,  the  course 
of  empire  and  of  civilization  and  population  has  always  been  westward. 

If  this  proposition  is  applied  to  pre-historic  times,  to  govern  deduc- 
tions regarding  it,  neither  Assyria  nor  Egypt  can  be  considered  as  hav- 
ing been  the  first  powerful  empire  of  the  world.  It  is  known  that  in 
them  there  existed  a  numerous  and  powerful  people  of  wh'om  history 
fails  to  give  the  exact  or  even  supposed  origin ;  the  same  is  true  of  all 
the  surrounding  countries,  in  Europe,  Asia  and  Africa.  If  it  is  allowed 
that  population  has  resulted  from  the  same  general  law  that  civiliza- 
tion has,  it  must  be  admitted  that  China  and  India  were  the  predeces- 
sors of  Assyria  and  Egypt. 

Allowing  that  China  and  India  existed  as  vast  tribal  communi- 
ties previous  to  the  historic  age  of  Assyria  and  Egypt,  it  will  be  seen 
that  population,  general  civilization  and  improving  government  crossed 
Asia  westward  and  developed  the  Assyrian  Empire,  which,  for  the  same 
general  reasons  must  be  held  the  predecessor  of  Egypt. 

The  Assyrian  Empire  attained  its  greatest  power  under  Semiramis, 
2,150  years  B.  C.,  which  was  about  the  beginning  of  the  historic  age 
of  Egypt,  and  700  years  before  Sesostris  conquered  the  greater  part  of 
the  known  world.  In  whatever  comparative  light  the  histories  of  these 


THE  TENDENCIES   OF   GOVERNMENT.  77 

two  countries  are  viewed,  Assyria  must  be  deemed  the  more  ancient 
empire.  It  may  be  further  observed,  if  Nimrod  was  the  first  King  of 
Assyria,  and  the  father  of  Ninus,  who  was  the  husband  of  Semiramis, 
the  empire  came  to  its  greatest  glory  in  an  exceedingly  short  time. 
Very  many  reasons  can  be  assigned  why  Assyria  must  have  been  an 
empire  of  centuries  when  Semiramis  reigned. 

The  Assyrian  Empire,  in  the  year  2,150  B.  C.,  was  the  great  power 
ot  the  world,  having  sway  over  the  greater  part  of  Asia  and  Africa, 
Seven  hundred  years  afterward,  or  1,499  years  B.  C.,  Egypt  had  risen 
to  its  greatest  glory,  a'nd  under  Sesostris  acquired  the  Assyrian  Empire, 
besides  a  vast  country  in  Europe  and  Africa  which  Semiramis  had  never 
subdued. 

Out  of  the  ruins  of  Assyria,  Babylon,  Nineveh  and  Medea  were 
formed,  and,  after  being  consolidated,  were  merged  into  the  famous 
Persian  Empire  by  Cyrus,  536  years  B.  C.,  or  950  years  after  the  proud- 
est Egyptian  period.  The  Persian  Ernpire  absorbed  the  Indian  and 
Egyptian,  and  became  the  most  splendid  power  that  had  existed,  and 
with  rising  Greece  divided  the  world. 

Grecian  power  being  concentrated  by  Alexander  of  Macedon,  he 
acquired  the  ascendancy  over  the  Persians,  and  became  the  world's 
conqueror.  Numerous  Grecian  colonies,  following  the  general  tide  of 
influence  westward,  formed  powerful  kingdoms  in  various  parts  of  the 
Mediterranean  coasts  and  islands. 

Home,  rising  to  power,  contended  with  Carthage  for  supremacy  in 
the  west.  Carthage  being  destroyed  by  the  three  Punic  wars,  the 
attention  of  Roman  armies  was  turned  eastward,  to  gather  in  the  elder 
empires  that  were  verging  on  decay.  Greece,  146  years  B.  C.,  became 
the  Eoman  province  of  Achaia.  Continuing  its  conquests  further,  fifty 
years  B.  C.,  Rome  became  ruler  of  a  greater  part  of  the  inhabited  world 
than  any  of  the  previous  empires,  and  existed  in  the  utmost  pomp  and 
glory  several  centuries,  until  the  northern  barbarians  swept  over  and 
extinguished  it 

No  considerable  Power  existed  after  476,  until  Charlemagne's, 
though  some  influence  attached  to  several  Asiatic  countries.  Civilized 
nations  were  extinct  in  Europe.  From  Charlemagne,  in  800,  to  1500, 
civilization  continued  to  rear  its  blighted  head  in  various  parts  of  Eu- 
rope, and  to  mark  the  countries  that  should  play  the  next  last  act  in 
the  drama  of  unceasing  general  progress. 

The  historic  age  of  the  world,  then,  has  been  occupied  thus  :  The 
Assyrian  Empire  existed  and  was  subdued  by  the  Egyptian,  which 


78  THE   TENDENCIES   OF   GOVERNMENT. 

was  conquered  by  the  Persian,  which  was  destroyed  by  the  Grecian, 
which  was  compelled  to  yield  to  the  Roman,  which  was  destroyed  by 
the  barbarians,  that  from  its  ashes  numerous  kingdoms  and  empires 
should  arise,  to  exist  together,  and  to  spread  over  and  occupy  the  out- 
side world  Eome  had  never  known. 

From  this  succession  of  empire  many  deductions  might  be  drawn 
wnich  would  assist  in  forming  a  well-defined  line  of  progress.  Many 
are  so  obvious  that  it  would  be  superfluous  to  name  them  ;  therefore 
we  leave  them,  with  the  general  observation,  that  in  each  succeeding! 
empire  the  condition  of  the  people  was  more  directly  and  distinctly 
recognized,  while  each,  in  grasping  for  universal  sway,  and  not  possess- 
ing the  principles  upon  which  universal  government  was  possible,  ex- 
ceeded the  limits  of  its  central  strength,  and  thereby  fell.  India  and 
China  alone,  of  all  ancient  nations,  survive,  because  they  have  never 
sought  to  extend  their  limits,  but  have  expended  their  strength  within 
their  own,  though  it  often  was  in  war. 

The  commercial  greatness  of  England,  more  than  any  other  pres- 
ent externally  apparent  power,  is  promoting  the  general  assimilation 
of  the  world.  This  influence  is  producing  very  great  and  diffusive  re- 
sults in  Asia,  Africa  and  South  America,  and  the  way  is  being  opened 
and  cleared  for  more  radical  and  general  control.  It  is  impossible  that 
the  increasing  power  of  civilized  and  enlightened  ideas  and  customs  in 
India,  China  and  Asi  i  generally,  should  not  revolutionize  those  coun- 
tries. Many  Chinese  will  return  from  this  country,  carrying  with  them 
the  solvent  power  of  the  genius  of  our  institutions,  which,  combining 
with  all  similar  powers,  will  ere  long  kindle  the  flame  of  popular  indi- 
vidual freedom.  This  flame  will  cause  republics  to  spring  into  exist- 
ence where  one  form  of  government  has  existed  through  historic  thne 
over  the  same  defined  limits  of  kingdom.  Another  great  and  powerful 
influence  is  being  evolved  that  cannot  fail  to  exercise  a  tremendous 
modifying  power  over  Asia.  Russia,  the  European  giant,  is  slowly  but 
surely  pushing  into  Asia  from  the  west.  If  it  continue  its  present 
well-consolidated  home  strength,  it  will  absorb  Asia  until  it  meet  the 
same  absorbing  process  proceeding  westward,  when  Asia  will  be  pre- 
pared for  a  still  grander  consummation. 

In  Europe,  Russian  influence  is  also  gaining  the  ascendancy. 
Though  one  of  the  youngest  of  European  kingdoms,  it  seems  possessed 
of  an  inherent  strength  superior  to  them  all,  which  Bonaparte,  with  all 
his  terrible  power  and  ambition,  could  not  scatter  nor  weaken,  and 
which  stands  ever  ready  to  gather  under  its  protecting  wings  the  sick. 


THE   TENDENCIES   OF   GOVERNMENT.  79 

cning  adjacent  kingdoms.  At  present  Russia  is  biding  her  time  and 
strengthening  her  arms,  which  she  is  conscious  shall  soon  reach  out 
.and  grasp  all  they  can  compass. 

Prussia,  meantime,  is  spending  its  strength  in  the  vain,  though  ap- 
parently successful,  endeavor  to  consolidate  a  country  under  absolute 
control,  that  is  impossible  of  a  people  so  numerously  and  diffusively 
represented,  in  a  country  where  freedom  is  the  rule.  Throughout 
.Southern,  Central  and  Southwestern  Europe,  republicanism  impatiently 
awaits  the  time  to  burst  forth,  and  sweep  among  the  debris  of  the 
past  all  traces  of  monarchy.  The  country  over  which  the  Roman 
eagles  triumphed  will  again  be  under  a  republican  form  of  government, 
improved  upon  that  of  Rome  by  2,000  years  of  successful  experiment. 
Russia  will  then  occupy  a  central  position  between  the  republics  of 
Europe  and  Asia,  and  its  emperors  be  the  last  to  yield  their  crowns. 
Like  no  other  country,  Russia  has  vast  possessions  in  the  unyielding 
frigid  zone,  which  gives  way  but  slowly  before  the  gradually  equalizing 
temperature  of  the  globe,  and  of  the  character  of  which  Russian  Gov- 
ernment naturally  partakes. 

Though  revolutionized,  Southeastern  Asia  will  remain  China  and 
India,  the  ancient  Assyrian,  Persian  and  Grecian  Empires  will  be  resur- 
rected under  the  consolidated  Russian,  while  Africa  will  be  left  for 
Egyptian  control,  the  promise  of  which  begins  to  be  visible  in  the  di- 
rection given  to  civilization  and  commerce  by  the  successful  accom- 
plishment of  Nechos'  defeated  project,  and,  Egypt  returned  to  be  a  na- 
tion of  importance.  Africa  will  naturally  gravitate  to  Egypt,  as  it  is 
possessed  of  no  other  salient  point  from  which  dominion  and  power  can 
spring.  In  this  regard  Africa  differs  from  all  the  other  grand  divisions 
of  the  globe.  The  character  of  its  inherent  wealth  is  also  different.  Other 
•countries  have  their  frozen  regions,  inland  seas  and  marshes,  stupen- 
dous mountains  and  deep  jungles,  but  Africa  alone  has  its  Sahara.  Com- 
merce has  scattered  the  germs  of  civilization  here  and  there  upon  the 
•coasts  of  Africa,  but  its  central  portions  are  to  all  intents  as  undevel- 
oped as  when  Semiramis  went  into  Ethiopia,  and  Sesostris  levied  his 
tributes  of  gold,  silver,  precious  stones  and  woods.  What  Africa  is 
held  in  reserve  for  by  the  general  economy  of  the  universe  it  is  impos- 
sible to  determine  ;  but  that  a  time  will  come  when  her  resources  will 
be  required  and  obtained,  is  philosophically  certain. 

In  Europe,  where  the  more  prominent  scenes  of  modern  history 
have  been  enacted,  a  modified  method  of  conquest  was  begun  by  its 
countries,  resembling  that  which  was  pursued  by  ancient  Greece.  This 


80  THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT. 

was  not  so  much  a  subdual  of  foreign  countries  to  actual  control  as  It  was 
the  general  diffusion  among  them  of  civilization  upon  a  more  extended 
scale,  made  possible  by  improvements  in  the  art  of  navigation.  The 
assimilation  of  the  world  was  thus  begun  upon  a  more  perfect  basis 
than  by  force  of  arms,  and  which  differed  widely  from  it  in  this  fact : 
that  while  arbitrary  control  was  at  all  times  open  to  overthrow,  the  pro- 
cess of  becoming  alike,  could  never  be  interrupted  except  by  the  sus- 
pension of  intercourse.  Under  the  former,  no  two  empires  could  exist 
side  by  side  for  any  Jength  of  time  without  one  being  subjugated  by 
the  other ;  under  the  latter  a  number  of  kingdoms  have  existed  for 
centuries,  and  though  frequently  engaged  in  conflict  to  settle  some 
dispute  of  boundary  or  policy,  it  has  seldom  been  pursued  to  utter 
destruction.  The  same  end  grasped  for  by  Semiramis  first  and  by  Bo- 
naparte last  is  being  reached  by  the  much  more  certain  though  gradual 
process  of  assimilation. 

Thus  far  America  has  been  untouched,  Dut  its  consideration  now 
becomes  necessary.  The  Old  World,  as  has  been  found,  must  continue 
its  evolution,  until  like  conditions  shall  exist  everywhere.  Similar 
interests  beget  union.  When  the  general  people  shall  begin  to  realize 
that  their  common  interests  depend  upon  the  interests  of  each  indi- 
vidual, one  system  of  government  must  follow,  whether  it  proceed 
from  one  common  centre  or  from  several  centres. 

What  is  America  ?  Americus  Yespucius  and  Christopher  Colum . 
bus,  acting -upon  sound  scientific  principles,  discovered  to  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  Old  World  a  new  country,  that  was  to  be  a  haven  of  re- 
treat for  such  of  them  as  sought  greater  freedom  and  better  equality, 
in  which  individuality  could  expand  without  coming  in  contact  and 
being  dwarfed  by  personal  government.  In  continuing  to  be  this  haven 
of  retreat  it  has  become  the  representative  country  of  the  world.  To 
its  hospitable  and  ever-inviting  shores  people  of  all  nations  and  climes 
have  come,  so  that  in  two  centuries  the  principal  country  of  it  has 
grown  to  be  a  Nation  of  more  inherent  strength  than  any  country  of 
the  Old  World,  and  to  'rank  among  its  nations  as  a  first  class  Power, 
both  feared  and  respected. 

The  United  States  of  America,  all  genuine  Americans  believe, 
will  become  the  United  American  States.  The  very  name  is  prophetic 
of  what  shall  be,  while  the  progress  made  in  that  direction  begins  to 
give  well-defined  outlines  of  it.  Beginning  on  the  Atlantic  coast  an 
infant  republic,  the  United  States  has  stretched  its  arms  westward 
across  the  Continent  The  same  oceans  that  bound  the  east  and  west 


THE   TENDENCIES   OF   GOVERNMENT.  81 

of  the  Old  World  wash  its  eastern  and  western  shores.  Having  gained 
ocean-bound  limits  latitudinally,  which  form  a  central  basis  of  strength, 
it  will  expand  longitudinally  until  it  shall  become  an  ocean  bound  re- 
public— a  grand  confederation  of  States  and  interests,  which,  while 
being  peculiarly  American,  will  be  so  far  cosmopolitan  as  to  represent 
the  descendants  of  every  nation  of  the  world — we  no  longer  say  of  the 
known  world.  Europe  has  its  well-defined  limits  of  kingdoms  and 
states,  the  people  of  which  seldom  pass  from  one  to  the  other  to  be- 
come citizens ;  so  also  has  Asia,  while  Africa  is  more  nearly  homoge- 
neous ;  but  they  all  give  up  their  people  to  America.  America,  be- 
sides being  American,  is  European,  Asiatic  and  African,  while  each  of 
these  is  becoming  American.  Ko  well-informed  person  doubts  that 
the  progressive  greatness,  of  republican  forms  of  government,  is  rap- 
idly dissolving  the  strength  and  solidity  of  all  the  monarchies  of  the 
Old  "World ;  though  they  may  affect  to  despise  republics,  and  to  call 
ours  a  failure,  their  subjects  are  anxiously  asking,  When  can  we  suc- 
cessfully revolutionize  ?  Though  such  a  step  may  not  be  openly  ad- 
vocated by  any,  it  is,  nevertheless,  secretly  discussed,  and  preparatory 
means  are  being  devised,  in  every  country. 

And  for  these  reasons  the  United  American  States  will  be  tne 
representative  country  of  the  world.  Some  may  argue,  because  the 
commercial  power  of  England  is  so  superior ;  because  she  has  such  nu- 
merous general  possessions,  the  English  language  being  the  one  that 
must  become  universally  used,  that,  by  virtue  of  these,  that  dignity 
belongs  to  England.  The  fact  cited  above,  showing  that  the  general 
disintegrating  influence  of  the  world  centres  and  is  integrated  in  the 
United  States,  is  a  sufficient  answer  to  such  an  illegitimate  argument — 
illegitimate,  because  it  is  evident  to  all,  that  the  process  of  the  diffu- 
sion of  English  influence  throughout  the  world  is,  so  far  as  England  is 
concerned,  one  of  disintegration ;  while  that  going  on  upon  American 
soil  is  diametrically  opposite,  being  most  decidedly  one  of  integration. 
If  the  process  of  integration  is  pursued  until  it  culminates,  and  the 
argument  is  educed  that  disintegration  must  follow  in  America  as  it 
has  in  England,  it  may  be  answered  that  the  English  influence  that  is 
being  diffused  world-wide  is  peculiarly  English ;  while,  when  that  pro- 
cess shall  have  commenced  in  America,  it  will  proceed  from  a  centre 
formed  by  previous  influx  from  all  countries  in  the  world,  and  in  this 
sense  is  not  a  process  of  disintegration,  but  simply  of  reaction. 

The  general  law  of  direction  for  population  and  civilisation  was 
westward  until  it  had  encircled  the  globe,  and  in  their  last  conquest 
6 


82  THE   TENDENCIES   OF   GOVERNMENT. 

found  a  country  of  sufficient  inherent  vitality  to  attract  all  other  coun- 
tries toward  it  Not  only  does  the  tide  of  influence  continue  to  flow 
to  America  from  the  east,  but  since  her  power  has  made  itself  felt 
upon  the  Pacific  coast,  the  same  tide  has  set  in  from  the  west,  and  Asia 
pours  her  surplus  population  upon  our  western  coast,  which  exempli- 
fies one  of  the  modifying  portions  of  the  rule  of  motion.  For  the 
time,  therefore,  though  preponderant  commercial  importance  must  be 
accorded  England,  the  United  States  thereby  loses  none,  of  its  general 
prestige  as  the  representative  country  of  the  world. 

From  whatever  point  consideration  begins,  the  conclusion  that  is 
inevitably  reached  is,  that  the  world  must,  in  due  time,  become  subject 
to  one  system  of  government.  Whether  that  system  shall  at  first  pro- 
ceed from  one  common  centre  or  from  several  centres,  is  not  so 
presently  apparent,  though  that  such  a  consolidation  will  be  ultimately 
reached  no  one  can  doubt,  who  gives  proper  weight  to  the  established 
fact  that  all  perfect  things  become  universal.  So  it  is  with  everything 
of  vital  interest  to  the  general  people ;  rapid  and  sufficient  communica- 
tion is  the  only  limiting  power  that  controls  their  diffusion.  In  pro- 
portion as  the  diffusive  means  increase,  in  number  and  extent,  so  do 
the  interests  of  the  people  become  proportionately  assimilated  and  best 
systems  prevail. 

A  striking  exemplification  of  the  benefit  that  would  flow  from  the 
adoption  of  general  systems  in  all  things  may  be  drawn  from  the  sys- 
tem of  international  telegraphing.  A  universal  language  in  this  be- 
comes of  the  first  importance.  How  much  more  important  when  the 
general  uses  and  benefits  are  considered.  The  adoption  of  a  universal 
language  would  remove  the  greatest  obstacle  from  the  path  of  the  gen- 
eral diffusion  of  knowledge  and  innumerable  difficulties  from  methods 
of  communication. 

It  should  be  further  observed,  that  the  same  law  governs  in  all 
communications  between  the  different  countries.  This  is  a  necessity, 
in  order  that  the  intercourse  may  be  preserved  and  be  at  all  times  safe. 
Should  it  be  inquired,  how  much  of  the  common  law  of  the  world  is 
similar,  the  answer  returned  would  astonish  all  who  had  not  given  it 
consideration,  by  being  so  considerable  a  portion  of  the  whole.  Were 
the  inquiry  pressed  further,  to  find  how  great  modifications  of 
common  law  would  be  required  in  the  various  nations  to  make 
a  common  administration  possible  to  all,  a  still  greater  astonishment 
would  be  developed  by  the  slight  disparities  that  would  be  shown  to 
exist 


THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT.  8S 

It  has  been  remarked  that  England  has  -possessions  in  very  many 
latitudes  and  longitudes  of  the  world.  Over  these  possessions  a  gov- 
erning control  is  exercised,  which  control  foreshadows  the  possibility  of 
a  government  that  shall  control  every  country  in  all  latitudes  and 
longitudes.  When  it  is  remembered  that  the  countries  of  Asia  are 
practically  as  near  Washington  as  California,  there  can  be  no  argu- 
ment deduced  from  distance  against  a  common  and  world-wide  ad- 
ministration of  government.  The  broad  assertion  is  made,  that  there 
is  no  argument  against  universal  governmental  administration,  but 
that  every  possible  argument  urges  all  people  to  prepare  for  it  as  the 
thing  of  all  things  to  bo  desired  by  them. 

It  only  remains  for  some  one  of  the  great  countries  of  the  world 
to  arrive  at,  or  to  approximate  to,  a  perfect  system  of  government  that 
'shall  contain  the  elements  and  principles  of  sufficient  inherent  strength, 
to  insure  to  that  country  the  power  which  shall  control  the  destinies  of 
the  world.  From  what  has  been  said  regarding  the  position  of  the 
United  States,  it  must  be  admitted,  that  nearly  all  the  natural  advan- 
tages, as  well  as  the  general  order  of  things,  are  on  this  side  01  the 
globe.  If  any  conclusions  naturally  flow  from  the  observation  of  the 
past  tendencies  in  the  order  of  nature,  they  are  that  the  United  States 
is  destined  to  be  the  centre  of  a  universal  government 

The  tendencies  of  government  from  earliest  historic  time  have  per- 
sistently been  to  universal  sway.  The  systems  and  forms  through 
which  this  tendency  has  been  manifested  have  changed  from  time  to- 
time,  as  the  circumstances  that  created  them — the  environment — the 
sum  total  of  the  governed — have  changed.  These  systems  will  continue 
to  be  modified,  until  this  tendency  shall  have  opened  such  channels  for 
itself,  as  will  permit  free  and  untrammeled  action ;  until  these  channels- 
shall  have  encircled  the  world,  and  its  utmost  limits  shall  have 
been  attracted  within  the  realm  of  its  positive  flow  and  neg- 
ative reaction,  and  until  the  commanding  magnetic  influence  that 
shall  proceed  from  its  central  seat  of  power  shall  reach  all  subjects 
and  find  in  their  general  heart  an  answering  response  of  fidelity  and 
confidence. 

In  such  fidelity  and  confidence  each  and  all  can  safely  and  earn- 
estly devote  themselves  to  the  best  aims  and  wisest  purposes  of  life — 
to  intellectual,  moral  and  spiritual  growth.  In  this  general  and  uni- 
versal pursuit  the  millennium,  so  long  prophesied  and  prayed  for,  can 
alone  be  gained,  through  which  reaching,  the  government  of  heaven- 
can  alone  be  administered  on  earth. 


84  THE  TENDENCIES  OF  GOVERNMENT. 

Government,  then,  will  be  no  longer  one  of  physical  force,  but  of 
the  more  powerful  control  of  wisdom,  including,  perhaps,  modified 
forms  of  force.  Caste  will  no  longer  be  distinction  regarding  material 
position  or  possession,  but  in  moral  and  spiritual  position  and  intel- 
lectual possession.  In  such  government  and  caste  a  true  aristocracy 
can  exist  in  the  midst  of  a  true  democracy.  All  will  be  born  free  and 
entitled  to  the  inalienable  rights  of  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  hap- 
piness in  self-chosen  paths,  which  alone  is  perfect  equality.  Perfect 
equality  in  the  order  of  nature  does  not  presuppose  that  all  shall  be 
alike,  but  it  does  presuppose  that  all  shall  be  equal  in  the  right  to  ap- 
ply their  natural  or  acquired  talent  according  to  the  dictates  of  the 
power  that  governs  them — the  same  as  the  flower  and  the  tree  follow 
their  natural  courses,  and  are  equal,  but  not  alike.  As  the  lightning 
and  the  sunshine,  the  mountain  and  the  river,  the  bird  and  the  bee,  the 
earthquake  and  the  storm,  follow  their  natural  courses  and  tendencies 
under  the  government  of  the  universal  God,  so  shall  the  people  follow 
theirs  under  a  universal  social  government,  when  fashioned  after  the 
same  general  principles  that  obtain  in  the  domain  of  nature.  For 

Honest  nature's  voice  shall  give 
The  laws  to  man  by  which  he'll  live. 

It  will  be  seen,  then,  that  the  philosophic  formulas  that  it  has 
been  demonstrated  the  evolution  of  matter  conforms  to,  apply  with 
equal  force,  effect  and  directness  to  the  evolution  of  society,  which  is 
the  fruit,  so  to  speak,  of  the  evolution  of  matter.  The  evolution  of 
society,  then,  is  "  a  continuous  establishment  of  psychical  relations 
within  the  community,  in  conformity  to  physical  and  psychial  relations 
arising  within  the  environment,  during  which  both  the  community  and 
the  environment  pass  from  a  state  of  incoherent  homogenity  to  a  state 
of  coherent  heterogenity,  and  during  which  the  constitutional  units  of 
the  community  become  ever  more  distinctly  individualized."  Thus  it 
has  been  from  the  earliest  existence  of  communities,  and  this  formulae 
applies  to  all  communities,  whether  Assyrian  or  American. 

The  process  of  revolution  in  its  ultimate  effects  brings  about  a 
perfect  state  of  action  and  reaction  in  all  the  various  productions  of 
nature,  by  which  they  are  first  perfected  and  then  destroyed.  The 
process  in  society  must  also  continue  until  an  equilibrium  shall  have 
been  attained  between  the  governing  power  and  the  power  gO¥erned. 
When  this  is  reached  its  perpetual  continuance  will  depend  solely  upon 
the  perpetuity  of  that  over  which  it  acts,  or  upon  continuous  individual 


THE   TENDENCIES   OF   GOVERNMENT.  85 

existence.  Continuous  existence  does  not  belong  to  the  kingdoms  be- 
low man,  but  does  to  man,  from  the  fact  that  inherent  within  his  con- 
sciousness there  is  a  persistent  though  utterly  unexplainable  and  unde- 
finable  knowledge  of  continuous  existence,  which  is  forever  independ- 
ent of  all  the  changeable  circumstances  of  the  purely  material,  and 
which  represents  in  him  that  characteristic  of  Divine  power  exhibited 
everywhere  in  the  universe  which  is  forever  beyond  scrutiny  and  limit- 
ation. 

This  evidence  of  Divine  power  within  the  individual,  then,  is  the 
distinction  between  man  as  the  product  of  nature  and  all  other  prod- 
ucts of  nature ;  while  the  consciousness  of  its  existence  is  the  direct 

f 

evidence  to  the  understanding  that  as  the  Divine  power  is  eternal,  so 
must  that  within  be,  which  partakes  of  it,  or  is  made  up  of  its  essential 
attributes. 

It  becomes  the  duty,  then,  of  each  individual  who  can  catch  but 
faint  glimpses  of  such  a  consummation  as  universal  government,  to 
point  it  out  and  to  assist  by  all  legitimate  means  in  the  dissemination 
of  light  upon  it  and  all  relevant  subjects.  It  becomes  the  duty  of  each 
nation  to  see  that  its  people  are  educated  to  the  same  ultimate  percep- 
tion ;  and  specially  does  it  become  the  duty  of  that  nation  which  seems 
appointed  by  the  Divine  order  of  things  to  become  the  central  power 
of  all  the  rest  to  push  its  influence  and  the  genius  of  its  institutions 
abroad  and  into  every  nation.  A  mere  passive  acquiescence  in  this 
Divine  appointment  will  not  suffice ;  an  active  and  positive  acceptance 
of  the  mission,  and  the  faithful  and  persistent  performance  of  the  great 
trust,  is  required. 

When  the  people  of  this  country  Shall  rise  to  a  true  and  compe- 
tent conception  of  the  responsibilities  of  the  position  assigned  it  in  the 
order  of  the  universe,  the  present  system  of  things  will  undergo  such 
rapid  transformations  as  no  revolution  ever  yet  accomplished,  and  to 
which  the  destruction  of  the  Roman  empire  by  the  barbarians  can  alone 
compare  in  magnitude.  By  that  the  dominion  of  the  world  was  wrested 
from  Rome ;  by  this  that  shall  come,  it  shall  be  restored  to  that  country 
of  which  Rome  was  the  Divine  prophecy.  Personal,  sectional  and  na- 
tional motives  will  be  sunk  in  oblivion,  and  such  governing  rules  of 
action  will  obtain  as  shall  bring  the  world  into  intimate,  harmonious 
and  Divine  relations,  such  as  will  know  no  Jew  nor  Christian,  Moham- 
medan nor  Pagan,  but  one  general  and  acknowledged  brotherhood  of 
man,  flowing  from  the  common  fatherhood  of  God. 


[Editorial  from  the  New  York  Herald  of  May  27,  1870.] 

WOMAN'S    IDEA    OF    GOVERNMENT, 


The  public  have,  during  the  past  few  months,  been  interested  and 
perhaps  edified  by  the  ideas  and  impressions  put  forth  by  Mrs.  Vic- 
toria C.  Woodhull  upon  the  broad,  general  subject  of  human  govern- 
ment, as  well  as  by  her  subsequent  nomination  of  herself  as  a  candidate 
for  the  Presidency  in  the  election  of  1872.  The  articles  in  which  she 
has  announced  these  views  and  purposes  have  from  time  to  time  ap- 
peared in  the  Herald,  and  to-day  we  present  a  further  communication  on 
the  question  of  the  "Limits  and  Sphere  of  Government."  It  is  evident 
Mrs.  Woodhull  is  imbued  with  at  least  one  very  sensible  idea,  and  that 
idea  is  one  which  it  would  be  well  for  large  numbers  of  aspirants  for 
public  positions  to  emulate — viz.,  that  fitness  is  the  first  prerequisite 
of  qualifications  entitling  the  seeker  to  enjoy  the  position  sought  for. 
This  it  LS,  doubtless,  which  has  led  her  not  only  to  study  and  perfect 
herself  in  the  nature  of  the  functions  she  seeks  to  exercise,  and  their 
eifect,  but,  in  the  honest  belief  that  she  does  understand  the  question, 
to  give  her  opinions  to  the  people,  that  they  may  judge  of  her  ability 
and  the  correctness  of  her  views. 

At  the  same  time  it  is  somewhat  difficult  to  see  what  good  will 
come  out  of  this  particular  Nazareth.  Mrs.  Woodhull  offers  herself  in 
apparent  good  faith  as  a  candidate,  and  perhaps  has  a  remote  impres- 
sion, or  rather  hope,  that  she  may  be  elected,  but  it  seems  that  she  is 
rather  in  advance  of  her  time.  The  public  mind  is  not  yet  educated 
to  the  pitch  of  universal  woman's  rights.  At  present  man,  in  his  affec- 
tion for  and  kindness  toward  the  weaker  sex,  is  disposed  to  accord  her 
any  reasonable  number  of  privileges.  Beyond  that  stage  he  pauses, 


WOMAN'S  IDEA  OF  GOVERNMENT.  87 

because  there  seems  to  him  to  be  a  something  which  is  unnatural  in 
permitmg  her  to  share  the  turmoil,  the  excitement,  the  risks  of  compe- 
tition for  the  glory  of  governing.  There  is  therefore  but  one  position 
that  may  be  taken  in  considering  the  aim  of  this  ambitious  lady,  and 
that  is  that,  perceiving  and  fully  appreciating  the  natural  obtuseness 
of  man,  she  has  boldly  put  herself  forward  with  a  view  to  wearing 
down  these  scrupulous  angles  in  his  sympathetic  character  and  nature, 
and  that  she  will,  after  all,  be  content  with  the  knowledge  that  she  has 
done  her  full  share  in  educating  him  for  the  new  order  of  things  which 
shall  supervene  when  woman,  in  all  matters,  has  equal  rights  and  duties 
with  him. 


[Revised  from  the  New  York  Herald  of  May  27,  1870.] 

MBS.  WOODHULL'S  LATEST  EPISTLE  TO  THE  AMERICANS — "THE  LIM- 
ITS AND  SPHERE  OF  GOVERNMENT  "  CONSIDERED  FROM  A  FEMALE 
POINT  OF  VIEW. 

[In  the  following  communication  Mrs.  Woodhull,  whose  former 
essays  on  political  matters  have  been  published  in  the  HERALD,  con- 
siders the  question  of  government  with  special  reference  to  the  system 
under  which  we  live  in  the  United  States :] 

Having  in  "  The  Tendencies  of  Government "  traced  the  rise  and 
fall  of  nations,  and  found  that  from  earliest  historic  time  to  the  present, 
there  has  been  a  continual  grasping  for  universal  power,  and  a  constant 
failure  to  maintain  the  extent  of  control  actually  reached ;  that  the 
systems  through  which  universal  control  was  sought  were  too  imper- 
fect to  admife  of  support  for  any  great  length  of  time  over  an  extended 
area  of  country ;  that  the  general  order  of  the  world  seems  to  indicate 
that  universal  government  will  become  a  fact,  and  that  the  United 
States  shall  be  the  seat  of  such  governmental  power,  we  may  now  come 
to  consider  what  control  a  government  must  be  invested  with  in  order 
that  it  shall  at  all  times  meet  the  demands  of  the  people  ancl  the  times, 
and  therefore  be  continuous  while  becoming  universal. 

It  is  predicated  that  government  exists  by  the  consent  of  the  gov- 
erned. "While  this  is  nominally  true,  it  virtually  contains  but  an  unde- 
veloped germ  of  truth.  In  no  country  as  yet  does  the  government 
exist  by  the  consent  of  the  governed.  In  this  country  least  of  all  does 
it  apply,  though  superficially  it  may  not  so  appear. 


LIMITS   AND   SPHERE   OF   GOVERNMENT.  89 

Government  is  universal.  All  things  in  all  the  various  kingdoms 
of  nature  are  the  objects  of  governing  laws  which  form  the  subjective 
order  of  the  universe.  In  all  natural  government  the  relations  be- 
tween the  governing  power  and  the  powers  governed  are  always  well 
denned,  while  the  requirements  of  the  governed  are  always  met  by 
requisite  modes  of  administration.  Each'  coming  demand  falls  into 
some  common  method  of  being  answered.  Thus,  in  the  greatest  con- 
ceivable diversity  of  conditions,  are  found  'the  fewest  and  simplest  laws 
of  control.  Rising  from  purely  material  to  the  more  refined  powers 
of  mind,  represented  only  in  the  human,  a  new  phase  of  development 
•springs  up.  Being  an  individualized  power  within  itself,  the  human 
family  represents  the  divine  power  that  controls  the  whole,  and  in  this 
relation  fashions  its  governments  according  to  the  limitations  of  its  ac- 
quired standard  of  wisdom,  which  must  always  necessarily  be  imper- 
fect in  comparison  with  the  common  laws  of  the  universe,  in  the  same 
proportion  as  human  wisdom  is  imperfect  when  compared  with  divine 
wisdom. 

The  world  of  mind  has  now  arrived  at  an  age  and  corresponding 
development,  which  begins  to  comprehend  the  general  laws  of  the  uni- 
verse, and  to  understand  their  great  simplicity  and  perfect  adaptation 
to  all  things  under  them.  Seeing  that  such  a  perfect  system  of  gov- 
ernment exists  throughout  the  universe  of  matter,  the  inquiry  is  begin- 
ning to  be  earnestly  made,  why  the  universe  of  mind  cannot  be  con- 
trolled by  equally  simple  and  general  laws  and  systems  of  administra- 
tion. Seeing  that  changes  are  never  necessary  in  the  common  universal 
laws,  the  inquiry  is  also  beginning  to  be  made,  why  the  laws  that  gov- 
ern society  cannot  be  so  fashioned  after  the  laws  of  nature  as  not  to 
require  the  constant  remodelling  now  necessary  when  changes  come,  in 
the  circumstances  required  to  be  met 

The  solution  of  the  difficulty  in  which  the  mind  becomes  involved 
when  considering  these  most  serious  questions,  seems  reduced  to  a  sin- 
gle proposition — that  all  strifes,  difficulties  and  controversies  regarding 
governmeB-t  and  its  administration,  arise  from  the  fact,  that  the  govern- 
ing power  is  not  general  but  specific  in  its  operations,  or  that  the  pow- 
ers governed  are  not  .subservient  to  a  common  law  of  control.  This  is 
still  more  clearly  perceptible  if  the  question  of  "reserved  rights"  on 
the  part  of  any  of  the  governed  is  considered.  No  individual  can  have 
a  reservation  that  militates  against  the  general  welfare  of  others,  or  the 
whole,  without  specific  laws  to  sustain  him  in  it.  If  no  individual 
can  have  such  special  reservation,  no  number  of  individuals  less  than, 


90  LIMITS  AND   SPHERE   OF   GOVERNMENT. 

than  the  whole,  can  have  reservations  without  specific  protection. 
Therefore  no  city,  county,  State,  or  number  of  them,  less  than  all  cities, 
counties  and  States  forming  a  consolidated  union,  can  hold  in  reserve 
any  rights  or  privileges  that  do  not  contribute  to  the  general  welfare 
of  the  whole,  without  sooner  or  later  coming  into  conflict  regarding 
them.  This  theory  of  reserved  rights  was  pretty  forcibty,  logically 
and  effectually  refuted  by  the  late  war  ;  so  must  all  such  reservations 
be  equally  well  refuted  before  permanent  peace,  harmony  and  prosper- 
ity can  be  expected  to  flow  from  government  and  it  remain  permanent 

Analytically  and  philosophically  considered,  government  exists 
for  the  general  good  of  all  the  governed,  in  which  individual  rights 
and  privileges  can  find  freedom  and  justice  without  conflict.  All  sys- 
tems that  exist  upon  a  less  comprehensive  basis  than  this  must  eventu- 
ally be  swept  away.  All  parts  of  systems  that  conflict  with  the  gen- 
eral fundamental  propositions  in  which  they  were  based  and  reared 
must  be  expunged,  so  that  administration  can  be  in  perfect  harmony 
with  profession,  before  it  will  be  possible  for  general  good  to  flow  from 
administration.  The  fundamental  propositions  upon  which  this  gov- 
ernment professes  to  rest — that  all  men  and  women  are  born  free  and 
equal  and  entitled  to  the  inalienable  rights  of  life,  liberty  and  the  pur- 
suit of  happiness — are  in  accordance  with  the  general  order  of  the 
universe  below  man,  and  are  therefore  of  the  highest  possible  au- 
thority. 

That  all  are  born  free  is  a  proposition  that  no  one  can  question  ; 
but  this  freedom  is  general  to  all,  and  does  not  refer  to  the  individual, 
nor  entitle  him  or  her  to  push  his  freedom  so  as  to  encroach  upon  the 
same  freedom  guaranteed  to  every  other  individual.  Therefore,  indi- 
vidual freedom  is  merged  in,  and  is  a  part  of,  general  freedom. 

That  all  men  and  women  are  born  equal  is  another  strictly  philo- 
sophic proposition  that  can  never  be  refuted  by  the  concurrent  scientific 
truth  that  no  two  of  the  whole  are  born  alike  in  every  particular.  Equal- 
ity, in  a  philosophic  sense,  does  not  imply  similarity  or  even  likeness ;  one 
thing  may  be  equal  to  another,  or  a  number  of  others,  and  still  be  un- 
like them  all.  A  pound  of  feathers  is  equal  to  a  pound  of  lead  i;i  grav- 
itating power,  but  the  lead  does  not  resemble  the  feathers  in  any  re- 
spect ;  hence,  equality  does  not  presuppose  likeness. 

The  pursuit  of  happiness  is  an  additional  common  right,  naturally 
resulting  from  freedom  and  equality,  and  which  can  be  prosecuted  in 
any  direction  that  does  not  interfere  with  the  general  pursuit  of  it  on, 
the  part  of  the  whole.  From  this  analysis  of  inherent  lights  it  would 


LIMITS   AND   SPHERE   OF   GOVERNMENT.  91 

seem  that  it  should  be  the  sphere  of  government  to  maintain  such  free- 
dom and  equality,  and  thus  guarantee  to  all  and  every  the  pursuit  of 
happiness,  and  to  protect  them  therein ;  and,  co-relatively,  that  the 
limits  of  government  should  be  nothing  less  than  the  circle  that  will 
permit  such  fatherly — such  motherly — control. 

It  will  scarcely  be  questioned  by  those  who  accept  the  evolution 
of  government  as  a  common  law,  that  the  government  of  this  country, 
as  a  system,  comes  nearer  being  an  exponent  of  the  philosophic  limit 
and  sphere  than  that  of  any  other  country,  though  it  must  be  confessed 
that  the  practices  under  it  belie  its  fundamental  principles.  So  much 
is  this  true,  that,  while  it  is  safe  to  assert  of  the  system  that  it  is  the 
best  of  all,  scarcely  one  can  be  named  wherein  so  great  distinctions 
obtain  between  the  intentions  of  the  system  and  the  effects  obtained  by 
its  administration.  This  follows  because,  having  asserted  fundamental 
principles  of  freedom  and  justice,  the  lines  of  policy  pursued  have  not 
been  shaped  by  them.  The  principles  have  been  lost  sight  of  in  the 
pursuit  of  party  and  personal  or  sectional  policies,  so  that  the  govern- 
ment is  no  longer  an  exponent  of  principles,  but  rather  of  the  persons, 
parties  or  sections  which  have  raised  themselves  above  principles  as 
authorities :  hence  the  government  has  limitations  put  upon  the  opera- 
tions of  its  principles,  and  becomes  thereby  inconsistent  within  itself. 

All  the  corrupt  practices  that  are  prevalent  in  the  various  parts  of 
the  governing  process  are  possible  only  because  the  professions  and 
practices  of  government  are  not  in  harmony.  The  professions  of  gov- 
ernment relate  to  principles ;  the  practices  to  its  limits  and  sphere. 
Therefore,  in  the  present  article,  the  practices  will  be  dealt  with.  In 
dealing  with  them  it  will  come  within  the  intended  limits  to  examine 
the  machinery  by  which  government  is  administered,  and  to  determine 
what  movements  within  the  body  of  society  should  be  under  its  gen- 
eral control,  so  that  all  its  movements  may  be  made  in  harmony.  Were 
any  other  branch  of  government  than  that  relating  to  society  being  ex- 
amined, its  limits  and  sphere  would  be  found  so  plainly  determined 
there  would  be  no  possibility  of  even  apparent  departure  by  the  gov- 
erning control  from  them  ;  for  in  all  these  the  divine  power  is  that  con- 
trol, and  consequently  is  perfect.  In  society,  the  divine  power,  though 
the  controlling  element,  is  maintained  over  human  minds,  which  are 
finite  and  imperfect  representatives  of  the  divine  power,  and  are  thereby 
incompetent  to  so  arrange  and  order  subservient  circumstances,  that 
harmony  shall  be  the  only  result  of  the  combinations  formed  to  secure 
consecutive  order. 


92  LIMITS   AND    SPHERE    OF    GOVERNMENT. 

The  government  of  this  country  is  selected  for  analysis  because,, 
as  a  system,  it  is  the  latest  production  of  the  social  order  of  things,  andr 
consequently,  the  highest  in  the  scale  of  evolution.  It  represents  a. 
greater  "coherent  heterogeneity"  in  its  construction  than  any  other, 
and  its  "  constituent  units"  are  more  "distinctly  individuated,"  which 
demonstrates  that  it  is  the  highest  order  of  government  yet  attained  on 
the  globe.  The  fault  in  its  construction  is,  that  the  powers  of  the  con- 
stituent units  are  not  harmoniously  related  to  the  central  power,  nor  to 
each  other,  discord  being  the  natural  consequence  of  such  inequality. 
Though  the  constituent  parts  of  society  are  in  themselves  imperfect, 
their  relations  to  each  other  and  to  the  governing  po\ver  may  be  so^ 
well  denned  and  regulated  that  their  imperfections  shall  not  have  power 
to  rnar  the  harmony  of  action  proceeding  from  the  central  power.  And 
this  is  the  point  which  is  sought 


LIMITS     AND  SPHERE     OF     GOVERNMENT. 


[Kevised  from  the  New  York  Herald  of  June  4,  1870.] 

GRAVELY  IMPORTANT  QUESTIONS  CONNECTED  WITH  GOVERNMENTAL. 
ORGANIZATION  AND  ITS  ADMINISTRATIVE  DEVELOPMENT,  AS 
VIEWED  AND  REVIEWED  BY  ONE  OP  THE  FIRM  OF  FEMALE 
BROKERS  OF  WALL  STREET. 

There  are  a  variety  of  operations,  natural  and  artificial,  by  which, 
the  proper  limits  and  sphere  of  government  may  be  illustrated.  It  is 
desirable  that  some  of  them  be  presented,  so  as  to  convey  a  correct  idea 
of  a  perfect  controlling  power,  which  bears  the  same  relations  to  the 
parts  controlled  as  government  should  to  the  people  under  it. 

The  cotton  mills  of  New  England  are  good  artificial  representatives 
of  government.  In  them  all  the  various  parts  are  compelled  into  unity 


LIMITS   AND   SPHERE    OF   GOVERNMENT.  93 

of  action  by  the  controlling  power  evolved  from  coal  or  transformed 
from  water  The  crude  cotton  is  first  taken  and  freed  from  all  foreign 
substances  by  "  the  picker ;  "  the  pure  remainder  is  then  formed  into 
a  homogeneous  mass  by  "  the  cards  ;  "  this  mass  is  then  divided  and 
subdivided  into  the  different  degrees  of  heterogeneity  required,  and 
these  are  more  distinctly  individuated  into  "  the  webbing  and  filling  " 
by  "  the  jacks  and  mules,"  and  are  then  reunited  by  "the  webber  and 
loom  "  into  cotton  cloth,  the  ultimate  result  Every  part  of  this  pro- 
cess forms  points  of  resistance  more  or  less  easily  compelled  into  unity 
of  purpose.  Every  bobbin,  spindle,  shuttle  and  card  are  so  many  dif- 
ferent experiences  which  are  required  to  be  gone  through  with  before 
the  result  can  be  reached,  while  all  parts  of  the  process  are  going  on  at 
the  same  time.  The  power  is  the  government ;  the  operatives  its  ad- 
ministrators ;  the  various  pieces  and  parts  of  the  machinery  are  the 
people  working  in  the  several  parts  of  the  process  ;  the  cloth  is  the  at- 
tained civilization,  while  the  different  degress  of  fineness  are  its  pro- 
gressive steps. 

Thus  it  should  be  with  human  government.  It  is  the  power  resi- 
dent in  the  central  part  which  should  control  all  the  processes  by  which 
the  people  are  guided  to  produce  the  ultimate  result.  It  should  be  of 
such  character  as  to  take  the  people  in  the  homogeneous  mass,  and,  by 
picking,  carding,  spinning  and  weaving,  compel  them  into  a  unit  of 
action  for  divine  use.  Every  operation  in  nature,  if  analyzed,  presents 
the  same  process  and  similar  results.  A  central  power  competent  for 
its  purposes,  through  various  means  and  avenues,  controls  the  materials 
into  perfected  productions,  each  one  of  which  is  perfect  of  its  kind. 
The  sphere  of  this  government  is  to  produce  the  legitimate  result ;  and 
its  limits  are  only  bounded  by  the  necessities  of  the  power  that  the  re- 
sult shall  flow  ;  but  flow  it  must  and  does  always. 

It  is  then  predicated,  that  a  power,  competent  to  produce  harmony 
in  that  over  which  it  reigns,  must  be  sufficient  to  control  all  the  different 
parts  to  one  end  ;  whatever  individual  or  combined  points  of  resistance 
may  be  raised  to  its  edicts  must  yield  to  the  general  purpose,  even  to 
the  extinction  of  their  resistance.  It  is  necessary,  therefore,  that  the 
governing  power  must  be  invested  by  the  governed  with  the  necessary 
control,  to  compel  them  into  harmonious  action,  so  that  no  antagonism 
may  arise,  to  divert  the  tendency  to  unity  of  purpose.  It  must  not  be 
supposed  that  a  self-constituted,  absolute  power  is  argued  for  ;  but  this 
power  should  be  one  fashioned  and  organized  by  and  with  the  consent 
of  the  people,  who,  knowing  their  weakness  arid  acknowledging  it  in 


94  LIMITS   AND   SPHERE   OF   GOVERNMENT. 

their  sober  and  wiser  moments,  shall  recognize  the  necessity  of  it,  to 
compel  them,  if  need  be,  to  act  with  the  general  whole  for  the  general 
good,  even  if  it  seemingly  militate  against  their  individual  good,  and 
which  shall  be  of  sufficient  strength  and  diffusiveness  to  regulate  all  the 
movements  within  the  body  of  society. 

We  will  now  proceed  to  the  analysis  of  the  various  operations  of 
government,  to  find  to  what  the  inharmonious  relations  between  the 
governing  power  and  the  resistance  are  attributable,  and  thereby  be 
able  to  determine  the  required  remedy.  "Wherever  this  may  lead, 
whatever  "infallible"  political  dogmas  it  may  destroy,  or  cherished 
forms  and  privileges  disprove,  it  will  be  pursued  as  relentlessly — un- 
mercifully if  you  will — as  the  crucible  and  the  flame  proceed  to  disor- 
ganize material  compounds  and  separate  their  constituent  elements  into 
the  poisonous,  the  nutritious  and  the  useful,  that  the  former  maybe 
put  away  and  the  remainder  appropriated  to  promote  the  general  good. 

Government  has  its  centre  and  its  circumference.  From  its  centre 
its  power  is  distributed  to  its  entire  circumference,  measuring  and  shap- 
ing the  various  channels  through  which  it  flows,  into  such  form  as  per- 
mits harmony  in  all  its  parts,  and,  having  spent  its  positive  force,  is 
then  returned  to  its  centre.  This  centre  and  circumference  must  be 
the  perfect  body,  every  member  of  which  must  not  only  bear  its  pro- 
per relations  to  all  the  other  members,  but  must  be  in  such  accord 
with  them,  as  to  permit  the  uninterrupted  flow  and  action  of  the  power 
by  which  the  whole  is  bound  together.  No  individual  member  of  it 
can  say  to  the  body  itself,  "I  have  functions  and  rights  peculiarly  my 
own,  which,  if  they  are  not  such  as  your  general  power  can  recognize 
as  contributing  to  the  general  good,  you  cannot  interfere  with."  The 
member,  in  becoming  such,  merges  its  function  and  power  with  the 
•general  functions  and  powers  of  the  body.  By  consenting  to  become  a 
part  of  the  body  it  gives  up  special  sovereignty  over  itself  and  becomes 
a  part  of  the  general  sovereignty.  By  adding  its  life  and  power  to  the 
body,  it  increases  the  sum  total  of  its  life  and  power  and  receives  its 
portion  of  the  aggregated  and  assimilated  mass.  Its  parts  and  f  unc- 
tions must  change — if  change  is  required — so  that  the  power  distributed 
to  it  by  the  general  power  can  perform  its  mission  in  harmony  with 
all  its  other  parts.  Like  the  body  human,  the  body  corporate  must  be 
.under  one  governing  power,  while  each  part  is  different  in  form  from 
all  other  parts,  and  performs  separate — perhaps  distinct — functions. 
The  eye  may  not  say  to  the  ear,  nor  the  hand  to  the  foot,  "  I  have  no 
need  of  you,"  for  each  and  all,  are  alike  dependent  upon  a  central  part 


LIMITS  AND   SPHERE   OF   GOVERNMENT.  95 

for  existence,  while  the  central  part  could  not  itself  exist  without  the 
surrounding  and  distant  parts.  The  very  nature  of  the  compact  is,  that 
each  and  every  part  is  joined  in  a  system  of  mutual  and  reciprocal  in- 
terdependence, to  which  general  system  no  member  can  setup  for  itself 
any  system  peculiarly  its  own,  in  contradistinction  or  opposition  to, 
or  to  interfere  with,  the  general  system. 

The  government  of  any  country,  originally,  is  a  compact  among  a 
certain  number  of  previously  separate  or  unorganized  powers,  by  which 
they  merge  and  consolidate  into  one  power,  or  are  compelled  so  to  do. 
This  power,  so  formed,  is  the  governing  power,  which,  while  all  parts 
have  contributed  to  its  formation,  is  in  itself  superior  to  any  power 
that  can  be  organized  within  its  limits  by  any  part  of  the  originally 
consolidating  powers.  If  at  any  time  an  opposition  is  organized  to  it, 
the  result  must  either  be,  the  reduction  of  the  opposition  or  the  de- 
struction of  the  confederation.  For  a  natural  illustration  the  human 
body  is  again  referred  to. 

If  from  any  cause  an  opposition  to  the  harmonious  action  of  the 
general  powers  of  the  body  be  raised,  a  contest  for  supremacy  is  inev- 
itable. If  the  bowels  refuse  to  perform  their  allotted  part  in  the  gen- 
eral economy  of  the  whole,  a  conflict  ensues,  and  never  ends  until  they 
are  returned  to  duty  or  until  they  demonstrate  that  their  opposition  to 
the  general  administration  is  more  powerful  than  its  general  power,  and 
that  the  organization  must  be  dissolved  in  conformity  to  this  power. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  general  power  cannot  compel  any  of  the  con- 
stituent parts  to  conform  to  rules  and  forms  not  operative  in  the  whole, 
nor  to  bear  any  inequality  of  any  kind,  nor  to  perform  duty  outside  its 
special  sphere.  The  governing  power,  though  superior  to  all,  must 
itself  be  subject  to  the  common  law  of  justice.  Specialties  of  confer- 
ment or  requirement  are  utterly  inconsistent  with  a  perfect  form  of 
government.  The  same  rule  of  contributing  to  the  general  support, 
and  in  turn  receiving  appropriate  sustaining  power,  must  be  uniform 
throughout  the  whole.  Such  a  body,  thus  acting,  be  it  human  or  cor- 
porate, is  alone  a  healthy  and  harmoniously  constituted  power.  All 
governments,  to  be  able  to  contribute  to  the  public  welfare,  must  exist 
upon  general  similar  principles  and  act  by  similar  means. 

It  must  again  be  observed  that  when  several  parts  or  powers  are 
organized  into  one,  no  power  less  than  the  whole  has  authority  therein ; 
for,  in  consenting  to  the  union  at  first,  all  absolute  individuality  is  for- 
ever waived  ;  the  individual  is  no  longer  simply  an  individual  power, 
but  forms  a  part  of  the  common  power.  Nor  can  absolute  individual- 


96  LIMITS  AND   SPHERE   OF   GOVERNMENT. 

ity  ever  again  be  maintained,  except  a  superior  antagonistic  strength  is 
developed,  which  demonstrates  that  the  powers  originally  attempted  to 
be  consolidated  were  impossible  of  harmonious  action — a  natural  and 
sufficient  reason  for  dissolution.  Tested  by  these  propositions,  what 
conditions  and  relations  does  the  government  of  the  United  States,  as 
a  whole  composed  of  parts,  present?  Does  it  form  one  homogeneous 
whole,  the  paramount  interests  of  the  parts  of  which  is  the  best  wel- 
fare of  the  whole?  Does  each  and  every  part  act  in  unity  and  har- 
mony with  every  other  part,  and  in  turn  yield  to  the  preponderant 
authority  of  the  whole,  with  that  grace  and  dignity  which  bespeak 
unison  of  purpose  and  interest?  If  not,  where  does  the  difficulty  find 
its  starting  point  ?  Is  it  in  the  system  by  which  the  power  was  organ- 
ized— in  the  interpretation  of  it,  or  in  its  administration  ?  For  this  the 
Constitution  must  be  referred  to  to  find  wherein,  if  at  all,  its  organiza- 
tion is  defective.  If  the  conferment  of  power  by  the  organization  is 
complete,  then  it  must  be  concluded  that  those  who  administer  its  or- 
ganic force  either  fail  to  comprehend  the  extent  of  its  application  or  to 
perform  their  duty  in  .applying  it. 


LIMITS  AND  SPHERE  OF  GOVERNMENT. 


[Revised  from  the  New  York  Herald  of  June  19, 1870.] 

ANOTHER   LETTER   FROM   VICTORIA   C.    WOODHULL    ON   POTITICAL   HIS- 
TORY. 

ARTICLE  IX.  of  Amendments  to  the  Constitution  declares  that 
"The  enumeration  in  the  Constitution  of  certain  rights  shall  not  be 
construed  to  deny  or  disparage  others  retained  by  the  people." 

ART.  X. — "The  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the 
Constitution,  nor  prohibited  by  it,  to  the  States,  are  reserved  to  the 
States  respectively,  or  to  the  people." 


LIMITS   AND   SPHERE   OF   GOVERNMENT.  97 

SECTION  1  of  Article  IV.  of  the  Constitution  says,  "  Full  faith 
and  credit  shall  be  given  in  each  State  to  the  public  acts,  records  and 
Judicial -proceedings  of  every  other  State.  And  the  Congress  may  by 
general  laws  prescribe  the  manner  in  which  such  acts,  &c.,  shall  be 
proved,  and  the  effect  thereof." 

SEC.  2. — "  The  citizens  of  each  State  shall  be  entitled  to  all  priv- 
ileges and  immunities  of  citizens  of  the  several  States." 

SEC.  8. — "  That  Congress  shall  have  power  to  provide  for  the 
general  welfare  of  the  United  States,"  which  last  is  tantamount  to  say- 
ing, the  general  welfare  of  the  people  as  a  whole. 

It  seems  from  these  quotations,  made  in  inverse  order,  that  it  was 
the  intention  of  the  framers  of  the  Constitution,  to  make  such  provi- 
sions as  would  permit  and  compel  harmonious  action  throughout  the 
States,  but  that  subsequently  it  became  a  part  of  party  policy  to  main- 
tain that  the  States  had  rights  reserved,  and  while  not  defining  what 
these  rights  were,  to  declare  that  such  as  were  not  distinctly  and  posi- 
tively delegated  constituted  this  reservation. 

Under  this  interpretation  it  is  possible  for  serious  difficulties  to 
arise  between  the  general  government  and  the  States,  as  they  have.  It 
seems  from  the  general  tenor  of  the  original  Constitution  that  these 
amendments  are  nugatory,  because  the  inference  to  be  drawn  from 
them  is  inconsistent  therewith.  One  of  the  most  prominent,  as  well  as- 
the  first  declaration,  is  to  the  effect  that  nothing  shall  exist  in  any  State 
injurious  to  the  general  welfare  of  the  whole.  While  it  is  within  the 
scope  of  Congress  to  determine  what  is  for  or  against  the  general  wel- 
fare of  the  whole,  no  State  can  set  up  its  rights  against  such  judgment 
When  it  is  further  made  the  duty  of  the  United  States  to  guarantee  a 
republican  form  of  government  to  every  State,  and  to  protect  each 
State  in  such  against  all  others,  there  can  be  no  limit  set  upon  the  gen- 
eral powers  of  Congress. 

The  only  fault,  if  fault  it  may  be  called,  in  the  original  Constitu- 
tion, lies  in  this — that  while  the  power  to  do  is  vested  in  the  United 
States,  it  is  not  made  an  imperative  duty  to  perform,  though  the  duty 
is  to  be  inferred  by  the  vesture  of  the  power.  In  failing  to  exercise  this, 
power  in  its  fullest  sense  and  to  perform  this  inferred  duty,  lies  the 
cause  of  all  the  disturbances  within  the  limits  of  the  country. 

We  can  now  proceed  to  the  consideration  of  what  duties  Congress- 
is  invested  with  the  power  to  perform,  which  have  not  been  exer- 
cised, and  .which,  being  exercised,  would  contribute  to  the  general  wel- 
fare of  the  people,  and  thereby  promote  the  public  good.     It  will  also 
7 


98  LIMITS   AND    SPHERE    OF    GOVERNMENT. 

be  considered  whether  there  are  any  additional  powers  Congress  should 
possess  which  can  be  conferred,  and  which  the  Constitution  neither  di- 
rectly nor  inferentially  vests.  This  consideration  will  proceed  without 
regard  being  given  to  separating  what  comes  within  the  limits  already 
possessed  from  that  which  should  be  conferred. 

First  in  importance,  because  of  general  application,-  stand  the 
common  laws  of  the  country.  Of  these  it  is  asserted,  with  the  utmost 
•directness  and  force,  that  when  a  general  condition  is  to  be  provided 
for  in  the  country,  it  should  be  the  sphere  of  the  government  to  make 
the  same  law  applicable  everywhere,  so  that  the  citizens  of  the  United 
•States  shall,  at  all  times  and  places  within  its  limits,  be  subject  to  the 
same  controlling  and  guiding  rule.  There  should  be  no  such  possibility 
as  an  Indiana  divorce  under  Indiana  law,  differing  so  much  from  those 
of  other  States  as  not  to  be  recognizable  by  them.  There  should  be 
only  United  States  divorces,  under  a  general  law  that  could  not  be 
questioned  anywhere,  and  by  which  the  parties  to  it,  should  stand  in 
the  same  relations  to  each  other,  in  whatever  part  of  it  they  might 
•chance  to  be,  also  in  such  relations  to  every  one,  that  they  may  remarry 
without  becoming  liable  to  the  charge  of  bigamy. 

Within  the  last  few  years,  many  States  have  found  it  necessary 
to  so  reconstruct  their  general  systems  of  law  as  to  cut  off  all  special 
legislation.  This  course  is  eminently  judicious  in  every  respect  it  can 
be  viewed,  and  has  proved  excellent  in  practice,  by  relieving  legisla- 
tion and  procuring  uniformity.  If  this  is  a  desirable  result,  so  far  as  a 
State  is  concerned,  why  should  not  the  application  be  made  general  for 
the  United  States,  with  prospect  of  proportional  benefit  ?  All  people 
would  then  be  subject  to  the  same  rule  of  action  and  responsibility. 
To  illustrate :  A  State  has  a  general  law  under  which  joint  stock  and 
other  companies  can  become  incorporate.  Before  this,  each  proposed 
company  was  obliged  to  make  direct  application  to  the  State  govern- 
ment for  an  act  of  incorporation.  After  it,  any  proposed  organization 
could  become  incorporated  by  conforming  to  the  regulations  prescribed, 
and  thereby  obtain  all  the  power  that  could  be  conferred  by  the  Legis- 
lature direct 

No  one  having  knowledge  of  the  tedious  processes  of  legislation 
will  question  the  advantage  of  this  general  law,  both  as  regards  legis- 
lation and  the  people.  This  admitted,  it  must  be  further  admitted, 
that  the  advantage  would  be  still  greater,  were  this  a  general  law  of 
the  United  States,  applying  in  every  State,  instead  of  a  mere  State 
law,  with  the  probabilities  that  each  State  having  it  would  provide 


LIMITS   AND   SPHERE   OF   GOVERNMENT.  99 

different  steps  and  regulations,  so  that  a  person  familiar  with  that  of 
one  State,  finds  he  knows  nothing  of  it  in  the  State  he  removes  to. 

The  same  line  of  reasoning  applies  with  more  or  less  force  to. 
every  branch  of  legislation.  Especially  is  it  pointed  regarding  the-' 
Criminal  Code,  for  here  very  great  distinction  exists  in  the  several 
States.  The  penalty  for  a  specified  crime  is  scarcely  the  same  in  any 
two  States ;  while  some  have  abolished  the  taking  of  life  for  Jife,  others 
still  imprison  for  debt,  which  shows  a  degree  of  divergence  entirely 
incompatible  in  a  country  that  professes  unity  of  purpose  and  practice- 
In  civil  practice  it  is  utterly  impossible  for  the  most  studious  and  pro- 
found jurist  to  acquire  and  retain  accurate  knowledge  of  it,  in  even  a 
small  proportion  of  the  States.  Every  lawyer  can  testify  to  the  diffi- 
culties he  encounters  at  every  turn  when  the  laws  of  another  State? 
have  any  bearing  in  the  case  he  is  engaged  upon. 

Some  States  require  that  deeds  executed  in  another  State  for  prop- 
erty within  itself,  shall  be  acknowledged  before  a  notary,  while' 
another  requires  a  commissioner  of  deeds ;  and  still  another  the  certi- 
ficate of  some  Court  of  Record  that  the  notary  is  duly  appointed,  &c. 
The  difficulties  that  arise  from  this  condition  of  things  are  of  such 
magnitude  as  scarcely  to  be  conceived  of  by  those  who  have  never  ex- 
perienced them  ;  nor  can  they  be  adequately  presented  in  the  limited 
space  of  this  article.  It  is,  however,  held  to  be  apparent,  that  if  a 
general  bankrupt  and  election  law  is  to  be  preferred  to  thirty-seven  dif- 
ferent ones,  general  laws  upon  all  other  subjects  are  also  preferable. 
It  is  a  logical  conclusion  that  the  "  public  welfare  "  would  be  promoted! 
if  Congress  should  pass  general  laws  for  the  whole  country,  to  cover 
all  cases  and  causes  that  are  general  to  the  whole  country,  leaving  for 
the  States  such  legislation  only  as  can  have  no  application  outside  of 
their  individual  limits. 

It  is  not  surprising  that  well  instructed  jurists  of  foreign  countries 
have  no  faith  in  our  existence  as  a  consolidated  nation.  They  argue, 
that  it  is  impossible  of  a  country  containing  so  many  internal  sources 
of  discord  and  differences.  "A  house  divided  against  itself  cannot 
stand  "  they  hold  to  equally  apply  to  nations.  If  this  has  stood  thus 
long  and  prospered,  it  by  no  means  follows  that  it  will  always  stand 
and  prosper;  but  the  inference  is,  that  sectional  interests  will  be  the 
source  of  continual  disturbances  and  revolutions,  until  some  great  sec- 
tional interest  shall  become  powerful  enough  to  separate  itself  from  the 
rest  of  the  country  and  to  defy  its  power  successfully.  In  view  of  that 
consideration,  should  not  the  attention  of  Congress  be  called  to  the= 


100  LIMITS   AND   SPHERE   OF   GOVERNMENT. 

fact  that  it  is  its  inferred  duty,  at  least,  to  enact  all  laws  that  will  pro- 
mote the  public  welfare  ?  And  to  this  end  it  should  inquire  how  the 
public  welfare  is  suffering  from  the  neglect  thus  far  practised,  that  the 
remedy  may  be  applied. 

If  it  is  found  that  its  power  under  the  Constitution  to  remedy  such 
evils  is  doubtful,  amendments  granting  it  should  be  at  once  proposed 
and  submitted.  Whatever  opposition  there  might  be  on  the  part  of 
present  State  Legislatures  and  officials  the  people  will  welcome  any 
measure  looking  to  the  eradication  of  the  cause  of  internal  agitation. 
It  cannot  be  that  patriotism  is  to  pass  away  entirely,  though  it  appears 
to  be  nearly  submerged  by  the  rising  tide  of  individual  selfishness. 
Let  it  arouse  itself  and  consider  whether  there  be  not  room  for  exer- 
cise in  the  direction  indicated,  and  whether  it  is  not  better  to  prevent 
disaster  than  to  repair  damages.  The  example  of  Louis  Napoleon  is 
an  excellent  one  to  follow.  Nor  should  patriotism  be  blinded  by  the 
mere  name  of  freedom  and  justice,  sounded  so  loudly  to  cover  the  de- 
formities practised  under  their  shelter. 

In  many  directions,  this  is  eminently  an  analytic  age.  Let  the 
fruits  of  government  be  submitted  to  the  crucible.  Many  of  them 
would  be  found  not  only  hollow,  but  basely  deceptive.  It  is  well 
enough  to  cry  peace  when  war  rages,  but  the  crying  will  not  bring  it. 
It  is  well  enough  to  laud  the  freedom  of  the  land,  but  why  not  make 
the  direct  inquiry  to  find  how  much  of  it  is  real,  and  how  much  is 
fancied  freedom,  not  to  say  genuine  slavery  ?  It  is  well  to  assert  that 
justice  holds  sway  everywhere,  but  those  who  have  had  most  occasion 
to  find  it,  must  hold  their  peace  lest  the  fair  delusion  be  dispelled. 
Let  the  peace  that  is  cried,  the  freedom  that  is  lauded  and  the  justice 
that  is  asserted,  be  subjected  to  the  test  of  analysis,  that  it  may  be 
really  known  what  principles  enter  into  their  composition.  It  is  much 
to  be  feared  that  when  all  the  dross  and  foreign  substances  are  separ- 
ated, and  the  pure  residuum  only  left,  its  proportion  to  the  mass  submit- 
ted would  be  lamentably  small  Still  let  us  have  the  analysis. 


LIMITS  AND  SPHERE  OF   GOVERNMENT.  101 


LIMITS     AND  SPHERE     OF     GOVERNMENT. 


[Revised  from  the  New  York  Herald  of  July  4, 1870.] 

THE  FIFTH  PART  OF  MRS.  WOODHULL/S  DISQUISITION  ON  GOVERN- 
MENT— INDIVIDUAL  ENTERPRISE  AND  ITS  DEVELOPMENT  AS 
AFFECTED  BY  GOVERNMENT. 

Individual  enterprise,  especially  among  Americans,  has  pro- 
duced the  most  wonderful  results.  Very  much  of  the  advance- 
ment of  the  country  is  directly  attributable  to  it  Great  minds 
have  been  obliged  to  operate  singly  and  alone  to  develop  their  inspira 
tions,  ideas  and  conclusions.  Thousands  possessed  of  comprehensive 
principles  in  a  semi  state  of  application  have  sunk  with  them  into  ob- 
scurity for  lack  of  appreciation  and  support.  In  the  infancy  of  the  re- 
public, before  it  was  possible  for  any  to  catch  the  idea  of  its  grand 
destiny,  it  was  not  to  be  expected  that  any  great  or  general  system  of 
interdependence  between  the  government  and  the  people  should  be 
adopted.  There  was  a  general  fear  of  everything  that  did  not  seem  to 
promote  that  individual  freedom  which  seeks  no  harmony  with  the 
greatest  freedom  of  the  whole,  while  no  regard  was  paid  to  any  phil- 
osophic relations  of  the  individual  to  the  whole  number  of  individuals 
represented  by  the  government.  This  was  intellectual  individuality, 
lacking  the  harmony  of  wisdom. 

It  came  after  a  while  that  the  great  enterprises  demanded  by  the 
rapidly  increasing  growth  of  the  country  could  not  be  conducted  by 
single  individuals,  and  numbers  of  them  combined  to  carry  them  out 
Rapid  means  of  transit  began  to  be  developed,  which  in  many  instances 
redounded  to  the  pecuniary  benefit  of  the  company  prosecuting  them, 
but  always  to  the  general  interest  of  the  whole,  both  as  a  people  and  as 
a  government  On  the  contrary,  many  enterprises  which  have  proved 
equally  beneficial  to  the  country  have  ruined  those  who  projected  them. 
Thus  the  general  welfare  has  been  promoted  by  the  sacrifice  of  indi- 
vidual interests.  Especially  has  this  been  true  of  the  great  system  of 


102  LIMITS   AND    SPHERE    OF   GOVERNMENT. 

railroads  that  binds  the  nation  together  with  bonds  of  iron,  too  power- 
ful, it  seems,  for  any  sectional  interest  ever  to  sever. 

Internal  improvements  are  eminently  a  legitimate  branch  of  the 
general  government  They  are  not  for  the  benefit  of  individuals  or 
sections,  but  for  the  benefit  of  the  whole.  So  true  is  this  that  a  seem- 
ingly purely  local  government  cannot  confine  its  benefits  and 
uses  to  the  section  it  is  located  in.  Its  influence  permeates  the  very 
extremes  of  the  country.  A  railroad  connecting  two  cities  in  the 
same  State  may  bc'built  At  first  glance  this  would  be  declared  simply 
and  only  of  benefit  to  the  localities  it  passes  through.  But  upon  close 
scrutiny  a  variety  of  ways  develop  themselves  that  must  be  advan- 
tageous to  thousands,  residing  in  all  parts  of  the  country,  and  to  the  gov- 
ernment itself.  It  therefore  conduces  to  the  public  welfare  and  conve- 
nience in  a  much  more  general  sense  than  to  sectional  or  local  good.  It  is 
therefore  entitled  to  the  protection  of  the  government,  whose  duty  it  is 
to  look  after  and  promote  the  interests  of  the  public.  Is  it  entitled  to 
anything  more,  or  does  the  full  duty  of  the  government  begin  and  cease 
with  simple  protection  ? 

Continuous  railroad  connections  exist  between  Maine  and  Califor- 
nia, between  Minnesota  and  Louisiana,  which  have  been  built  by  pri- 
vate enterprise,  and  are  still  maintained  and  conducted  by  combinations 
of  private  enterprise.  These,  with  their  connections,  form  a  net  work 
that  penetrates  every  section  of  the  whole  country,  all  parts  of  which 
system  are  conducted  as  nearly  as  possible,  considering  the  variety  of 
management,  with  regard  to  the  harmonious  working  of  the  whole  as  a 
general  railroad  system  of  the  country.  The  representatives  of  the  sev- 
eral roads  meet  and  arrange  terms  of  transfer  and  connection,  first,  to 
accommodate  themselves ;  second,  the  public  which  patronizes  them 
(be  it  especially  remembered  that  the  public  welfare  is  always  second- 
ary) ;  and  thus  it  comes  that  that  which  is  made  the  duty  of  the  gov- 
ernment to  guard  with  jealous  care  is  subserved  to  the  interests  of  a 
company  of  incorporated  individuals,  whose  profits,  drained  from  the 
productive  interests  of  the  country,  amount  in  many  instances  to  an 
enormous  per  cent  per  annum,  upon  the  original  costs  of  the  enter- 
prises. This  is  not  the  greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number.  It  is  the 
greatest  good  to  the  smallest  number  at  the  expense  of  the  greater  num- 
ber. The  public  is  hoodwinked  into  the  toleration  of  their  extortions 
by  fictitious  arrays  of  figures,  and  by  the  increase  of  the  "  watering  "  of 
their  capital  stock  whenever  an  eight-per  cent,  dividend  will  not  con- 
sume their  unexpended  balances. 


LIMITS   AND   SPHERE   OF   GOVERNMENT.  103 

Again,  there  are  railroads  of  great  importance  to  the  general  public 
whose  earnings  are  not  sufficient  to  make  any  returns  to  stockholders, 
scarcely  sufficient  to  meet  current  expenses,  and  yet  the  public  welfare 
would  not  permit  of  their  discontinuance. 

The  same  line  of  policy  that  controls  the  postal  service  should  be  pur- 
sued by  government  in  regard  to  railroads.  None 'now  think  of  intrust- 
ing that  very  important  department  of  the  government  to  private  enter- 
prise. Is  the  transportation  of  the  public  itself  of  less  vital  and  gen- 
eral importance  than  its  thoughts  and  wishes  are,  that  it  should  be 
obliged  to  rely  upon  private  enterprise  to  accomplish  its  welfare,  and  to 
obtain  it .  be  subject  to  its  extortions  ?  The  custody  of  transporta- 
tion of  all  kinds  by  government  would  insure  regularity,  harmonious 
operation,  safety  and  dispatch,  at  minimum  cost,  to  all  whose  pursuits, 
interests  or  comfort,  incline  or  compel  them  to  its  use.  If  the  sphere 
of  government  is  to  be  determined  upon  principle,  and  it  is  the  true 
principle  for  the  government  to  conduct  the  postal  service,  to  the  end 
that  the  public  welfare  be  subserved,  then  the  same  principle  deter- 
mines that  railroads  and  telegraphs  should  also  be  conducted  by  gov- 
ernment to  the  same  end. 

The  time  was,  when  it  was  necessary  to  the  general  good  for  the 
government  to  guarantee  protection  and  even  assistance  to  enterprises 
that  should  introduce  these  improvements  into  the  country.  The 
country  needed  them.  Government,  not  understanding  its  true  rela- 
tions to  the  people,  failed  to  provide  them.  Private  enterprise,  more 
sagacious  and  more  perceptive  of  the  actual  demands  of  the  age, 
stepped  forward,  and,  taking  advantage  of  governmental  supineness, 
developed  the  true  greatness  of  the  country.  The  time  has  now  come, 
and  the  government  is  in  position  and  understanding,  to  not  only  guar- 
antee all  needed  internal  improvements  to  the  public,  but  also  to  take 
charge  of  those  already  existing,  and  to  conduct  them  in  the  interests 
of  the  people. 

These  improvements  are  not  patents  that  should  forever  remain 
hereditary  charges  upon  the  industry  of  the  country.  They  are  granted 
privileges,  made  by  the  government  to^  promote  the  public  welfare,  and 
not  for  the  continuous  private  gain  of  wealth  and  power.  Let  a  limita- 
tion be  put  upon  these  patented  privileges,  so  that  the  public  good  may 
be  still  further  promoted.  Let  government  purchase  what  are  already 
in  operation  and  construct  others,  as  demanded,  and  conduct  them  all 
under  one  grand  system,  to  subserve  the  interests,  necessities  and  com- 
forts of  the  people,  which  it  is  its  duty  to  provide  for,  even  if  in  ex. 


104  LIMITS   AND   SPHERE   OF   GOVERNMENT. 

ceptional  instances  it  be  at  the  expense  of  the  public,  as  in  some  instances 
it  is  in  sparsely  populated  districts  regarding  the  postal  service.  Let  the 
same  rule  of  action  that  governs  this  service  be  applied  to  telegraphs, 
railroads  and  all  improvements  that  are  public  in  their  character.  Let 
the  present  owners  and  conductors  of  them  become  the  servants  of  the 
government  and  the  people,  instead  of  remaining,  as  now,  their  mas- 
ters, thus  forcing  them,  by  the  only  possible  way,  to  comply  with  the 
interests  and  demands  of  the  general  welfare. 

Besides,  these  'gradually  consolidating  interests  are  becoming  too 
powerful  and  selfish  to  longer  allow  of  the  government  or  the  people 
regarding  them  with  indifference.  Even  now  they  control  a  deal  of 
legislation  by  the  power  they  possess.  Unless  soon  dispossessed  of  the 
means  of  increasing  their  power  and  influence,  they  will  become  greater 
than  the  government,  and  even  dangerous  to  liberty.  The  national 
banks  are  powerful  enDugh  to  feel  they  can  dictate  to  Congress.  What 
might  not  a  grand  consolidation  of  railroads,  representing  thousands  of 
millions  of  dollars,  be  able  to  do,  if  left  to  present  tendencies  ?  This 
is  a  matter  of  most  serious  import,  which  is  tending  to  a  despotism 
more  intolerable  than  that  exercised  by  any  of  the  monarchies  of  the 
Old  World — the  despotism  of  capital  over  labor. 

This  despotism  is  making  the  productive  interests  of  the  country 
utterly  subservient  to  the  power  they  have-  created,  fostered  and  pro- 
tected, which  should  forever  remain  their  servant  instead.  These  im- 
provements are  demanded  by  all  the  growing  interests  of  the  country 
that  express  themselves  through  commerce  between  the  several  States, 
and  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress  to  "regulate"  them.  It  has  the  power. 
The  remedy  is  required.  Let  it  be  applied,  and  at  once,  so  that  the 
greatest  and  most  beneficial  of  all  the  many  systems  of  internal  im- 
provements any  country  possesses,  both  for  the  country  as  a  whole, 
and  to  the  comforts  of  the  people  as  individuals,  may  be  conducted  and 
extended  in  accordance  with  the  interests  and  demands  of  the  public 
welfare.  Nor  should  there  be  any  outcry  raised  against  the  purchase 
and  control  of  railroads  by  government,  as  an  unwarrantable  interfer- 
ence with  private  rights.  There  are  no  such  things  as  private  rights 
when  the  public  good  stands  in  question.  If  the  public  good  demands 
a  new  street  through  the  most  densely  populated  part  of  the  city,  the 
property  of  private  citizens  is  condemned  to  its  use,  and  damages  as 
sessed,  from  which  the  individual  has  no  appeal.  The  same  rule  must 
apply  to  all  property  that  the  public  demands  for  the  promotion  of  its 
interests,  telegraphs  and  railroads  not  excepted. 


LIMITS    AND   SPHERE   OF   GOVERNMENT.  105 


LIMITS  AND  SPHERE  OF  GOVERNMENT. 


[Revised  from  the  New  York  Herald  of  July  11, 1870.] 

t 

MRS.    VICTORIA   C.    WOODHULL'S     CONCLUDING    CHAPTER    ON  THE   SCI- 
ENCE  OF   GOVERNMENT 

{The  following  is  the  concluding  chapter  of  the  essay  on  govern- 
ment, its  aims,  sphere  and  tendencies,  by  Mrs.  Woodhull,  the  female 
candidate  for  the  Presidency :  ] 

There  are  no  circumstances  existing  within  the  range  of  govern- 
ment which  are  deleterious  to  the  conditions  among  which  they  are 
found  that  do  not  come  within  the  sphere  of  its  control.  If  it  were 
attempted  to  enumerate  all  such  conditions,  a  very  large  proportion 
existing  would  come  in  for  mention.  Special  reference  will  be  made 
to  such  only  as  are  represented  by  crime,  indigence,  helplessness  and 
perverseness.  While  government  has  its  duty  to  perform  regarding 
all  these,  in  their  relations  to  society  in  general  and  the  public  wel- 
fare, it  must  not  be  lost  sight  of  that  they  form  a  part  of  the  general 
public,  and,  as  such  part,  it  has  a  duty  to  render  even  to  them  and  to 
the  relations  they  sustain  as  individuals  to  other  individuals. 

The  criminal  is  not  only  the  son  and  brother,  but  often  the  hus- 
band and  father.  Though  he  may  have,  by  some  act,  forfeited  the 
guarantee  of  liberty  government  extends  to  the  people,  he  has  not 
thereby  sundered  family  relations,  responsibilities  and  duties.  It  is  the 
duty  of  government  to  foster  these,  while  protecting  public  welfare  by 
preventing  the  criminal  from  pursuing  his  course  of  individual  freedom 
at  the  expense  of  the  freedom  or  happiness  of  other  individuals  or  the 
public.  In  this  view  penitentiaries  should  not  be  what  they  are,  but 
.should  be  changed  into  vast  workshops,  where  the  convicted  may  labor 
at  some  not  altogether  distasteful  employment,  to  the  same  end  that  he 
should  labor  when  free.  The  theory  of  punishing  crime  is  not  all 
that  should  be  taken  into  consideration  regarding  the  criminal.  As 


106  LIMITS   AND    SPHERE   OF   GOVERNMENT. 

now  practiced  it  is  exceedingly  doubtful  whether  the  State  does  not  do> 
the  individual  greater  injustice  than  he  has  done  the  public.  The  State 
should  pursue  such  a  course  as  is  perfectly  clear  from  injustice,  such 
as  can  conscientiously  be  held  as  committing  no  crime  against  the 
criminal.  To  render  to  him  what  and  only  what  he  has  rendered 
another  is  maintaining  the  old  Mosaic  rule  of  "  an  eye  for  an  eye," 
which  in  these  latter  times  should  be  obsolete.  The  world  has  risen 
from  the  condition  of  Mosaic  times  by  the  experience  of  thousands  of 
years.  Fear  was  the  only  controlling  power  then.  Should  it  be  so 
now  ?  Prevention  is  better  than  remedy ;  besides,  there  is  no  such 
thing  as  remedy  for  crime  already  committed.  The  criminal  can  by  no 
possible  means — nor  can  the  State — undo  the  wrong.  Separation  in 
most  cases  is  impossible,  but  should  be  rendered,  wherever  possible. 
.It  becomes,  then,  the  chief  duty  of  the  State  to  prevent  the  recurrence 
of  wrong  by  putting  such  restraint  upon  those  who  are  inclined  to  it 
as  will  effectually  prevent  their  inclinations  finding  expression. 

Supposing  that  all  living  persons  who  have  ever  committed  any 
infringement  upon  the  rights,  liberties  or  privileges  of  others  of  suffi- 
cient moment  to  warrant  preventative  means  being  applied  were  re- 
strained from  mingling  with  the  public,  what  would  be  the  ratio  of 
decrease  in  crime  ?  These  persons  have  trespassed  upon  the  public 
welfare  and  it  must  be  protected  from  further  trespass.  It  is  the  duty 
of  the  State  to  see  this  done.  At  the  same  time  the  means  of  preven- 
tion must  be  such  as  shall  not  encroach  upon  the  culpable  one's  rights 
further  than  such  prevention  actually  requires.  As  a  member  of  so- 
ciety he  has  forfeited  to  society,  to  a  certain  extent,  the  freedom  of 
expressing  his  privileges  and  rights  as  an  individual,  by  the  infringe- 
ment upon  the  privileges  and  rights  of  another  individual,  also  a  mem- 
ber of  the  same  society ;  and  for  this,  society  is  in  duty  bound  to  re- 
strain him.  It  only  requires  that  the  present  universally  adopted 
theory,  that  crime  is  against  the  people  and  not  the  individual  suffer- 
ing, be  carried  to  its  legitimate  sequences  to  teach  the  proper  limitation 
to  this  restraint  Having  arrived  at  that,  it  remains  for  the  State  to 
concede  every  other  individual  privilege  to  him. 

It  should  be  his  right  and  privilege  to  labor  and  receive  its  full 
recompense,  to  which  the  State  should  have  no  right,  further  than  the 
cost  of  his  maintenance.  The  profits  should  be  given  those  dependent 
upon  hinij  or  should  go  toward  reparation  for  the  damages  done  by 
him.  He  should  have  the  privilege  of  amusement,  should  have  access 
to  a  public  library  and  the  daily  news.  His  whole  restraint  should  be 


LIMITS    AND    SPHERE    OF    GOVERNMENT.  107 

made  as  nearly  as  possible  a-nalagous  to  the  every-day  life  of  a  useful 
citizen.  He  should  no  longer  be  the  condemned  criminal,  but  the 
member  of  society  whom  the  public  welfare  requires  shall  be  restrained 
from  following  the  freedom  his  proclivities  indicate. 

There  is  another  class  of  individuals  who,  either  from  circumstances 
beyond  their  control,  from  indolence,  from  incapacity,  from  settled 
habits  or  from  perverseness,  do  not  perform  sufficient  labor  to  maintain 
themselves  and  families  in  a  condition  that  renders  them  useful  mem- 
bers of  society.  Society  suffers  more  or  less  from  all  the  different  rep- 
resentative^ of  this  class.  They  must  live,  and  society  must,  in  some 
manner,  furnish  the  means  to  them  of  living.  If  it  is  not  earned,  it  is 
begged  or  stolen.  There  are  those  also  who,  being  too  honest  to  steal 
and  too  proud  to  beg,  suffer  untold  privations.  All  who  would  cannot 
obtain  remunerative  occupation,  or  that  which  they  are  suited  to  per- 
form. To  all  of  these  as  members  of  society,  as  a  part  of  the  people,  gov- 
ernment owes  a  duty.  Society,  of  which  they  are  a  part,  owes  them 
the  necessities  of  life,  even  if  it  be  compelled  to  force  them  to  earn 
them.  It  cannot  be  made  the  duty  of  individual  members  of  society 
to  look  after  the  amelioration  of  these  conditions.  It  is  a  general  con- 
dition growing  out  of  the  relations  of  all  its  members,  and  hence  be- 
comes a  governmental  function,  not  only  so  far  as  they,  as  a  class, 
are  concerned,  but  also  to  protect  individuals  of  other  classes  from 
being  made  to  bear  the  burdens  of  them,  either  by  voluntary  contribu- 
tions or  from  the  impositions  of  beggary  and  theft.  Every  one  who 
has  attained  proper  age,  and  is  possessed  of  moderate  health,  is  capable 
of  performing  sufficient  service  to  support  him  or  herself,  and  by  so  do- 
ing is  a  useful  member  of  society,  because  contributing  to  the  sum  total 
of  its  productions.  If  he  cannot  obtain  employment,  society  should 
supply  it  to  him.  If  he  will  not  labor,  society  should  compel 
him.  If  he  cannot  labor,  society  should  maintain  him.  Were 
this  practice  once  instituted,  the  dens  of  infamy  and  vice,  the 
sink-holes  of  crime  and  disgrace,  the  pest-houses  of  disease,  and  the 
crammed-to-suffocation  attics  and  cellars  of  our  large  cities,  would  be 
emptied  of  their  occupants,  and  they  be  made  useful,  instead  of,  as 
now,  iniquitous  members  of  society.  They  are  a  dead  weight  society 
has  to  carry.  It  is  a  duty  society  owes  them  and  itself  to  compel  them 
to  assist  in  maintaining  its  general  progress.  The  same  principle  that 
applies  to  the  criminal  should  also  include  them.  The  general  influence 
they  exert  upon  society  is  even  worse  than  that  of  the  downright  crimi- 
nal— for  where  the  criminal  is  one  they  number  thousands.  If  it  is  ne- 


108  THE   LIMITS   AND   SPHERE   OF   GOVERNMENT. 

cessary  for  the  interests  of  the  people  that  he  who  steals  a  hundred  dol- 
lars should  be  restrained  of  his  liberty — and  it  is  the  sphere  of  govern- 
ment to  do  it — how  much  more  would  it  be  for  its  interests  to  transpose 
these  leeches  upon  the  vitality  of  society  into  producing  members  of  it? 
As  a  subject  wherein  the  public  welfare  suffers,  it  is  strictly  within  the 
sphere  of  government.  Other  citations  of  unprofitable  members  of  so- 
ciety could  be  made,  but  sufficient  has  been  alluded  to  to  indicate  the 
general  limits  and  sphere  of  government  when  considered  philosophi- 
cally. The  evidences  of  a  perfect  government  must  not  be  sought 
among  the  most  powerful  and  useful  members  of  society,  but  among 
the  very  lowest  classea  A  goo,d  government  can  have  no  classes 
so  low  in  the  scale  of  development  or  use  as  to  be  detrimental  to  its 
interests.  And  here  is  the  test  of  governmental  perfectability.  If  the 
United  States,  as  a  nation,  occupies  any  superior  or  conspicuous  posi- 
tion in  prophecy  which  is  to  make  it  representative — if  it  is  the  point 
around  which  consolidation  into  universal  government  is  to  begin,  and 
from  which  control  shall  revolve  until  the  world  is  its  object — it  becomes 
the  imperative  duty  of  our  statesmen  and  legislators  to  extend  the 
sphere  of  government  until  its  limits  are  bounded  by  nothing  that  is 
detrimental  to  the  general  welfare  of  the  people.  Such  government, 
and  such  only,  can  be  enduring  while  becoming  universal. 

VICTORIA  C.  WOODHULL,  44  Broad  Street. 


THE  PRINCIPLES  OF  GOVERNMENT. 


NO.  I. 


Government  being  an  organization  of  power,  and  power  always 
presupposing  action,  motion,  it  becomes  a  matter  of  the  gravest  im- 
portance to  a  people  who  are  formulating  a  government  that  they  should 
lay  hold  of  the  highest  sources  from  which  action  can  spring— that  is 
to  say,  as  all  action  is  the  result  of  some  prime  motor  power,  to  have 
action  which  will  proceed  in  perfect  channels,  producing  harmonious 
motion,  it  is  primarily  essential  that  the  motor,  or  moving  or  control- 
ling force,  shall  be  of  that  character  which  in  expression  will  move 
majestically  yet  sympathetically  against  all  opposition,  always  having 
in  view  the  fact  that  the  presence  of  low  forms  of  any  development  is 
detrimental  to  all  higher  forms  with  which  they  come  in  contact,  either 
directly  or  through  exerted  influence. 

It  has  previously  been  found  that  the  deductions  which  are  to  be 
drawn  from  a  complete  analysis  of  all  the  tendencies  which  govern- 
ments have  exhibited  during  the  historic  age  of  the  world,  conform  to 
the  propositions  of  the  highest  form  of  religious  conviction,  which  is, 
that  God  being  the  common  Father  of  humanity,  that  humanity  must 
be  a  common  brotherhood.  Consistent  with  this  the  tendencies  of  govern- 
ment are  found  to  have  ever  been  to  one  common  form.  If  these  propo- 
sitions grow  out  of  the  fact  that  the  principle  of  unity  is  at  all  times 
operating  to  bring  about  a  perfect  expression  of  itself,  through  human- 
ity, the  legitimate  deduction  is,  that  the  time  will  come  when  its  ends 
will  be  accomplished,  and  that  that  time  will  be  when  humanity  has 
risen  into  a  complete  recognition  and  acceotance  of  the  fact  that  they 
are  all  children  of  one  common  parent. 

Principles  never  change.  They  constitute  the  basis  of  creation, 
the  forms  of  which  are  constantly  changing  under  the  influence  of  the 


110  THE    PRINCIPLES    OF    GOVERNMENT. 

application  of  the  same  power.  The  same  force  which  caused  the  mat- 
ter of  which  this  planet  is  composed  to  first  assume  its  orbital  position 
and  motion,  now  causes  the  various  parts  of  it  to  exhibit  the  almost  in- 
finite variety  of  manifestation  which  is  now  presented.  The  same 
power  that  was  exhibited  in  the  construction  of  the  original  rocks,  is 
also  exhibited  in  the  construction  of  the  sweetest,  most  fragile  flower. 
The  evidence  of  evolution — progress — being,  that  from  the  rocks  the 
flower  has  been  produced.  Ascending  to  the  animal  kingdom,  motion, 
the  result  of  power  applied  to  matter,  was  found  manifesting  itself  in 
the  simplest  of  organic  forms.  There,  as  in  the  previous  periods,  it 
continued  its  constructive  workings,  until  the  perfect  animal  form,  man, 
was  evolved. 

In  the  strictest  examination  which  can  be  made  into  the  power 
which  controls,  there  can  be  nothing  detected  which  would  seem  to, 
even  indicate  that  there  is  anything  outside  of,  and  superior  to 
the  contained  life,  to  which  to  attribute  the  direction  the  form  takes 
through  which  life  is  manifested.  If  this  be  so,  the  principles  which 
underlie  the  physical  universe  are  but  names  for  this  inherent  power, 
which  cannot  be  attributed  to  any  power  less  than  the  Source  of  all 
power.  Manifested  principles  of  action,  then,  which  relate  to  matter, 
may  justly  be  considered  as  the  perfect  operation  of  divine  law  through 
the  physical  universe. 

It  becomes  resolved  to  this  :  that  the  power  which  is  the  compel- 
ling principle  of  all  action  is  at  all  times  the  same,  but  that  it  manifests 
diiferent  results,  as  the  channels  through  which  it  operates  are  differ- 
ent. Thus,  the  motion  of  the  atmosphere  over  the  surface  of  the  ocean 
exhibits  power  by  the  waves  it  produces ;  while  the  same  power  pro- 
ceeding to  land  bends  the  forests  and  the  fields,  verdure  before  it.  The 
tiller  of  the  soil  involuntarily  recognizes  this  fact,  when  he  destroys  all 
growths  which  exhaust  the  constructive  power  of  the  air  and  soil  ex- 
cept the  particular  one  he  desires  to  further  or  perfect  He  knows  that 
to  concentrate  all  the  power  upon  this  one,  he  must  concentrate  its  ex- 
pression in  the  form  he  wishes  developed.  If  this  process  could  be 
understood,  it  should  be  the  ordinary  rule  in  every  department  of  the 
universe.  All  the  power  there  is,  should  be  concentrated  into  action 
through  the  most  advanced,  and  consequently  the  most  perfect 
forms — perfect  forms  always  being  those  which  are  adapted  to  the  high- 
est uses. 

Wherever  this  rule  is  generally  applied  by  nature  or  man,  the 
lower  existing  forms  disappear,  and  in  due  time  the  higher  fill  the  places 


THE    PKINC1PLES   OF   GOVERNMENT.  Ill 

they  occupied.  Thus,  species  of  plants  and  animals  are  constantly  dis- 
appearing from  the  economy  of  the  universe,  while  new  and  higher  are 
as  constantly  appearing.  And  it  is  to  be  specially  observed,  that  where 
the  new  exists  the  old  dies  out  This  law  is  also  distinctly  visible  in 
the  development  of  the  different  races  and  types  of  the  human,  all  of 
which  a  universal  tendency  prophesies  will  ultimately  be  merged  into 
one  grand,  all-comprehending  race.  The  tendency  to  this  condition 
was  distinctly  traced  in  the  Tendencies  of  Government,  and  was 
held  to  be  the  basis  for  the  conclusion,  that,  in  its  continuance,  the 
condition  named  would  be  naturally  and  inevitably  reached.  It-  may 
be  stated  then,  as  a  general  rule,  that  the  most  certain  method  there 
can  be  to  destroy  the  bad — the  old — and  to  inaugurate  the  reign  of 
the  good — the  new — is  to  attend  to  introducing  the  good  in  the  most 
rapid  and  best  manner,  which  will  naturally  live  upon  and  sap  the  life 
from  the  old,  which  must  necessarily  pass  away. 

If  a  new  race  of  humans  is  introduced  among  a  race  which  is 
not  possessed  of  that  capacity  which  makes  it  possible  for  it  to  develop 
or  assimilate  to  the  new,  it  will  most  certainly  die  out.  Such  races  are 
fixed  types  of  the  human,  and  their  characteristics  can  never  be  merged 
among  the  general  characteristics  of  the  future  common  race  of  human- 
ity. The  North  American  Indians  are  good  examples  of  this  fixedness, 
and  they  will  soon  cease  to-exist  upon  the  face  of  the  earth  ;  while  the 
Negro  is  an  excellent  representative  of  the  capacity  of  evolution  and 
also  of  amalgamation.  It  is  not  to  be  lost  sight  of,  that  when  the 
Anglo-Saxon  and  the  Negro  amalgamate,  the  direction  the  amalgama- 
tion takes  is  always  from  the  black  to  the  white,  and  never  from  the 
white  to  the  black,  which  is  positive  evidence  that  the  Negro  will  ulti- 
mately be  entirely  lost  in  the  white  races. 

A  mighty  lesson  is  also  to  be  gathered  from  observing  the  con- 
structive process  of  the  several  kingdoms  of  the  earth,  each  one  of 
which  is  built  upon  the  preceding  and  leads  to  the  succeeding.  The 
vegetable  kingdom  could  not  exist  until  the  elements  comprising  the 
mineral  had  gone  through  their  various  processes  of  integration  and  de- 
struction, by  which  vegetable  life  was  made  possible.  The  vegetable, 
taking  up  the  process  inherited  from  the  mineral,  began  moving  through 
the  same  cycle  of  advancement  by  which  the  mineral  had  made  it 
possible,  and  it  gradually  merged  into  the  animal ;  and  so  gradually 
that  it  can  scarcely  be  decided  whether  some  forms  of  life  belong  to  the 
latter  or  to  the  former.  The  evolution  of  the  animal,  having  ultimated 
in  the  production  of  the  human,  it  is  not  to  be  inferred  that  there  13 


112  THE    PRINCIPLES    OF    GOVERNMENT. 

nothing  beyond  the  animal  kingdom  which  is  the  fruit  thereof,  as  the 
vegetable  was  of  the  mineral  and  the  animal  was  of  the  vegetable. 

Again,  the  vegetable  world  feeds  from  the  animal — the  animal 
feeds  from  the  vegetable,  which  is  the  only  source  which  furnishes  liv- 
ing protoplasmic  food,  upon  which  the  animal  can  alone  exist. 
Humanity  takes  this  protoplasmic  dish  either  fresh  from  the  vege- 
table or  second-hand  from  the  animal.  It  will  thus  be  seen  that 
everything  which  nature  accomplishes  serves  specific  purposes,  and 
that  when  the  supply  is  exhausted  the  demand  ceases.  If  this  principle 
is  followed  to  its  legitimate  end,  it  will  close  in  the  life  of  the  whole 
animal  kingdom  being  merged  into  humanity,  which  will  then  feed 
entirely  from  the  fresh  protoplasmic  dishes  of  the  highly  developed 
fruit  of  the  vegetable  kingdom. 

These  arguments  are  not  pursued  as  a  necessary  part  of  the 
Principles  of  Government,  but  that  the  working  of  universal  principles 
may  be  caught  sight  of  and  made  use  of  in  the  endeavor  which  will  be 
made  to  decide  \.how  humanity  can  best  assist  the  operations  of  these 
principles  as  applied  in  its  own  government.  Nature  being  ever  con- 
sistent in  all  her  movements  in  the  several  kingdoms,  how  shall 
"  Mind  "  assist  her  in  accordance  with  her  own  principles  of  operation, 
in  establishing  perfect  channels  for  her  powers  to  produce  the  perfect 
fruit  of  the  animal  kingdom  ? 

In  the  Tendencies  of  Government  it  was  found  that  all  move- 
ments in  government  which  have  been  made  during  the  historic  age  of 
the  world  have  been  in  the  direction  of  universal  control,  the  persist- 
ence of  which  course  leads  to  the  conclusion  that  it  will  be  attained 
when  government  shall  be  based  in  those  principles  which,  proceeding 
from  a  common  centre,  shall  be  sufficiently  potent  to  control  the  entire 
circumference  of  humanity.  The  limits  and  sphere  for  such  a  gov- 
ernment to  exercise  its  power  in,  was  found  to  properly  extend  to  all 
matters  in  which  the  common  interests  of  the  public  are  concerned  as 
against  assumed  individual  interests,  which  would  in  reality  be  to  the 
"greatest  good  of  the  greatest  number." 

An  exemplification  of  the  natural  working  of  a  government  founded 
and  administered  according  to  strictest  governmental  justice  may  be 
seen  in  the  growth  and  in  the  maintenance  of  the  life  of  the  tree,  which 
may  be  made  to  represent  the  tree  of  humanity.  The  tree  is  a  com- 
plete community  within  itself;  all  its  branches  and  twigs,  even  to  the 
extremest  distance,  are  dependent  upon  the  same  fountain  for  its  con- 
trolling life  currents  that  the  parts  nearer  the  base  are.  No  single 


THE   PRINCIPLES   OF   GOVERNMENT.  118 

branch  can  maintain  its  life  independent  of  the  rest.  Each  separate 
one  must  draw  its  proportion  of  supplies  from  the  same  source  and 
return  the  stream  to  its  fountain  when  its  demands  upon  it  are 
completed.  This  power,  starting  from  a  common  fountain,  is  dele- 
gated to  the  yarious  branches  for  still  further  and  more  general  distri- 
bution ;  but  no  branch  can  set  up  a  distributing*  process  for  itself  in 
opposition  to  the  general  process.  If  the  branches  had  the  power  to 
set  up  processes  of  their  own,  the  inevitable  result  would  be  inhar- 
monies  in  the  common  order,  which  would  work  ultimate  inj  ury  to  all 
parts  connected  with  the  main  body.  Thus  it  is  with  a  country.  It 
must  possess  a  common  governmental  fountain,  and  all  divisions  of  it 
must  be  directly  dependent  upon  the  common  fountain.  No  division 
can  be  permitted  to  set  up  special  channels  of  administration  for  itself. 
Each  must  work  in  harmony  with  all  others,  and  all  be  equally  de- 
pendent and  dutiful  to  the  common  head.  In  such  and  in  only  such 
can  harmony  prevail  and  life  be  continuous. 

Having  found,  then,  what  the  destiny  of  government  must  be,  and 
having  determined  its  proper  limits  and  sphere  for  operation,  it  be- 
comes still  more  essential  and  necessary  that  the  true  mainsprings  of 
governmental  power  shall  be  recognized,  for  without  this,  government 
would  still  linger  in  its  age  of  temporary  resorts  to  get  over  the  con- 
stantly arising  contingencies  of  the  times.  When  this  recognition  takes 
place,  legislation  will  have  accomplished  its  work,  and  the  vast  talent 
therein  expended  can  be  turned  into  the  channels  of  governmental  art. 
It  is  to  attract  the  mind  to  the  operation  of  general  principles  in  nature 
that  we  have  thus  far  dealt  with  the  material  universe.  In  advancing 
into  the  subtler  department  of  mind,  it  cannot  be  for  a  moment  sup- 
posed that  an  entirely  new  arrangement  of  principles  lies  at  its  base,  any 
more  so  than  that  there  should  have  been  new  rules  of  nature  to  in- 
troduce the  animal  or  the  vegetable.  Instead  of  this  having  been,  it 
is  perfectly  demonstrated  that  the  same  laws  govern  in  each  and  all ; 
that  is  to  say,  that  the  same  principles  of  government  control  them 
all.  Bearing  this  in  mind,  we  now  proceed  to  the  consideration  of  the 
operation  of  principles  wherein  the  human  mind  comes  to  assist  nature 
in  its  strife  for  perfection,  itself  joining  in  the  race. 

8 


114  THE   PEINCIPLES   OF   GOVERNMENT. 


THE     PRINCIPLES    OF    GOVERNMENT. 


NO.    II. 


It  was  remarked  previously  that  Nature  is  consistent  in  all  her 
operations  throughout  her  entire  domain ;  to  which  may  now  be 
added  that  the  nearer  the  human  approximates  his  rules  and  methods 
to  those  exhibited  in  the  departments  of  Nature  below  him,  the  nearer 
will  he  approach  to  true  rules  and  methods.  Arbitrary  and  dogmatic 
formulas  do  not  belong  to  Nature  in  her  free  manifestations,  nor  can 
they  be  administered  in  any  of  her  combinations.  In  all  the  uses  men 
may  make  of  the  elements  of  matter,  he  must  comply  with  the  laws 
of  their  existence :  he  cannot  frame  a  law,  and  then  command  that  Na- 
ture shall  obey  it 

Certain  quantities  of  certain  elements  will  combine  and  form  a 
compound ;  but  no  other  proportions  of  the  same  elements  will  com- 
bine to  form  the  same  compound,  and  in  many  cases  they  will  not  com- 
bine at  all,  unless  certain  fixed  quantities  are  adhered  to.  Again,  an 
effort  may  be  made  to  unite  two  or  more  bodies,  and  they  will  be  found 
to  be  incompatibles ;  that  is,  incapable  of  being  united,  because  each  has 
a  stronger  self-affinity  than  for  any  property  existing  in  either  of  the 
other  bodies  with  which  they  are  brought  in  contact ;  but  to  these  two 
or  more  bodies  another  principle  may  be  added,  which  will  produce  the 
•effect  of  uniting  the  whole.  It  is  this  principle  in  nature  by  which  its 
elements  combine  and  form  all  the  various  and  diversified  manifesta- 
tions that  are  visible  everywhere.  These  forms  are  none  of  them  ab- 
solutely independent :  they  may,  by  their  inherent  power,  attract  other 
forms  to  themselves,  or  be  by  others  attracted ;  the  more  complex  and 
distinctly  individuated  ones  being  dependent  upon  those  from  which 
they  spring  for  their  existence  ;  thus,  as  was  before  stated,  the  animal 
world  is  absolutely  dependent  upon  the  vegetable  world  for  the  proto- 
plasm it  must  make  use  of  to  replace  that  expended  by  the  animal 
economy.  No  animal  can  take  the  elements  protoplasm  is  composed 
of  and  manufacture  it ;  that  process  is  alone  the  office  of  the  vegetable 


THE   PRINCIPLES   OF    GOVERNMENT.  115 

world.  And  thus  it  is  that  a  complete  and  infinite  system  of  depend- 
ence exists  from  the  lowest  form  of  organic  life  to  the  highest ;  each  is 
necessary  to  every  other,  while  every  one  fills  a  special  individual  posi- 
tion of  its  own,  and  this  is  because  they  are  all  bound  together  by  the 
same  controlling  powers  or  principles  of  action. 

It  is  readily  seen  that  the  principles  referred  to  are  the  same  that  are 
expressed  by  a  common  humanity,  a  universal  brotherhood :  one  is  a. 
brotherhood  of  the  elements ;  the  other  is  a  brotherhood  of  the  ulti- 
mates  of  elements,  of  which  mind  is  a  product.  Each  kingdom  has  its 
beginning  and  culmination,  and  by  the  observation  of  their  evolution 
we  must  draw  the  deductions  as  to  what  really  governs  that  age  of  the 
world,  and  the  special  kingdom  we  find  ourselves  living  in.  The  be- 
ginning of  the  mineral  kingdom  was  when  simple  elements  began  to- 
unite  to  form  compounds  ;  which  was  when  the  cooling  process  had  so 
far  progressed  as  to  allow  of  combination ;  this  process  of  the  uniting 
and  dispersing  of  elements  culminated  in  the  production  of  the  simplest 
vegetable  life,  and  thus  ushered  in  the  vegetable  kingdom.  In  this, 
again  the  same  process  of  uniting  and  dispersing  was  gone  through  with 
that  had  characterized  the  mineral.  It  began  as  it  did,  and  culmi- 
nated as  it  did  by  producing  the  next  higher,  or  the  animal  kingdom,. 
the  simplest  form  of  which  is  a  single  unit  of  nucleated  protoplasm. 
Upon  this  single  unit  the  animal  kingdom  began  to  be  built.  The  same 
process  of  integration  and  disintegration  continued  through  countless 
ages  and  until  a  form  was  produced,  which  is  the  ultimate  of  form  in 
the  animal  kingdom.  This  ultimate,  man,  is  the  perfection  of  form, 
that  protoplasm  can  produce,  and  hence  is  the  grand  ultimate  of  the 
process  of  elemental  combination  first  referred  to.  No  other  or  higher 
form  is  possible  to  be  arranged  from  the  elements  that  the  earth  is  com- 
posed of.  Therefore,  all  future  advancement  to  perfection  must  be  in 
the  perfecting  process  in  man,  and  therefore  it  is  logical  to  conclude 
that  the  same  law  that  governed  the  beginning,  the  evolution  and  the 
ultimation  of  each  of  the  kingdoms  that  produced  man,  will  also  gov- 
ern the  beginning,  the  evolution  and  the  ultimation  of  the  different 
stages  in  the  perfecting  process  in  him  ;  and  not  only  in  the  perfecting 
process  as  a  whole,  but  in  each  division  of  the  perfecting  process  ;  and 
this  brings  us  to  that  part  of  the  process  illustrated  by  government,  and 
to  the  principles  of  government  which  are  under  consideration. 

It  will  be  observed  that  there  is  a  perfect  analogy  in  the  process 
of  evolution  that  is  observed  below  man,  and  in  that  which  comes  of 
man.  First,  there  was  the  elementary  unit,  which  corresponds  to  what 


116  THE   PRINCIPLES   OF   GOVERNMENT. 

•was  the  governmental  unit — the  family  government.  Next,  and  sec- 
ond, there  was  the  vegetable  division,  which  corresponds  to  the  second 
order  of  government — the  consolidation  of  families  into  tribes.  Third, 
there  was  the  animal  division  of  the  process,  which  corresponds  to  the 
amalgamation  of  tribes  into  nations.  Fourth,  there  was  man,  the  ulti- 
mate of  the  whole  process,  containing  in  him  the  elementary  princi- 
ples represented  by  all  the  preceding  forms — in  none  of  which  were 
they  all  represented  as  they  are  represented  in  him — and  he  cor- 
responds to  the  ultimate  of  the  process  of  governmental  evolution,  the 
complete  consolidation  of  nations  into  one  grand  nation,  as  man  is  the 
complete  consolidation  of  all  animal  forms  in  one  grand  animal  form. 
His  form  is  the  animal  form,  containing  all  animal  forms.  A  univer- 
sal government  would  be  a  national  form,  containing  the  form  of  all 
nations  gathered  into  one  grand  form.  Here  it  is  that  the  analogy  is 
complete,  and  Nature  is  consistent  in  all  her  parts  and  processes,  at  all 
times  and  in  all  forms  observing  the  simple  general  principles  which 
so  unerringly  lead  her. 

There  is,  however,  one  important  addition  to  the  processes  in 
which  man  takes  part,  over  those  where  principles  apply  only  in  the 
so-called  material  control.  Below  man  there  is  nature  only.  After 
man  there  is  art  added  to  nature ;  and  it  is  this  power  to  administer  to 
Nature's  processes,  to  assist  in  them,  and  to  remove  and  replace  obstacles 
to  activity  in  higher  channels,  that  distinguishes  man  from  all  previous 
formations,  and  which  virtually  makes  him  an  assistant  in  the  after 
and  higher  evolutions  of  mind,  which  have,  until  very  recently,  been 
generally  considered  not  of  material  origin,  but  which  science  now  dem- 
onstrates are  purely  physical  results — are  combinations  in  conscious- 
ness of  consecutive  manifestations  of  matter.  Here  we  have  the  ulti- 
mate production  of  the  ultimate  of  the  animal  kingdom,  the  mental 
kingdom,  or  the  kingdom  of  ideas. 

Science  also  demonstrates  that  ideas  evolve  after  the  same  for- 
mula which  all  preceding  processes  observed,  and  that  all  new  discov- 
eries of  ideas  are  not  discoveries  of  existing  facts,  but  that  they  a:e 
new  truths  evolved  from  preceding  forms  of  truth  ;  or,  in  other  words, 
that  they  are  higher  forms  of  truth. 

These  relations  are  thus  specifically  stated,  because  in  them  is 
found  the  authority  for  man  to  make  use  of  all  things  which  exist,  that 
by  such  use,  higher  purposes  may  be  subserved  and  better  general  con- 
ditions obtained.  As  the  gardener  destroys  all  weeds  and  foreign 
growths  about  the  vegetables  he  would  produce,  so  must  the  gardener 


THE    PRINCIPLES   OF   GOVERNMENT.  117 

in  ideas  pull  up,  eradicate  or  destroy,  all  false  or  decaying  ideas  which 
sap  the  vitality  from  those  he  would  have  flourish ;  and  this  authority 
is  the  same — the  authority  of  the  higher  over  the  lower,  to  the  extent 
*of  individual  freedom  and  within  the  limits  of  the  general  good. 

Such  is  the  province  of  art,  and  man,  in  whatever  department  of 
nature  he  operates,  is  the  artist,  adding  to  her  beauties,  which  she  can 
produce  by  her  laws,  those  which  the  evolution  of  higher  ideas  proposes. 
Thus  art  utilizes  and  beautifies  all  that  nature  produces.  Nature  alone 
could  never  produce  a  Central  Park,  nor  the  perfection  in  fruits  and 
flowers  that  is  now  presented  to  please  the  taste  and  gladden  the  eye. 
No  one  will  question  the  right  of  man  to  make  from  nature  the  most 
of  beauty  it  is  capable  of,  nor  to  make  it  most  conducive  to  all  his 
natural  desires.  And  here  is  found  the  basis  for  the  authority  from 
which  it  is  analogically  argued,  that  man  has  the  right  to  practice  as  an 
artist  in  ideas.  The  position  this  artist  in  ideas  should  be  assigned 
should  be  as  much  higher  in  the  scale  of  importance  as  ideas  are  higher 
than  crude  matter. 

Government  being  the  most  formidable  director  of  ideas  and  the 
most  powerful  opponent  of  their  diffusion,  if  they  are  not  in  channels  it 
can  operate  through,  its  perfectability  according  to  the  highest  existing 
ideas  is  a  matter  of  the  most  fearful  importance.  It  is  for  this  reason 
that  so  great  importance  attaches  to  the  diffusion  among  the  people  of 
knowledge  of  the  principles  government  should  be  constructed  upon 
that  its  administration  may  be  productive  of  the  greatest  individual, 
and  the  greatest  public  good,  which  it  is  possible  to  obtain  from  the  ap- 
plication of  the  highest  evolved  ideas. 


THE       PRINCIPLES      OF      GOVERNMENT. 


NO.    Ill 


It  has  been  the  intention  to  show  the  importance  of  unity  of  pur- 
pose in  government,  and  that  such  unity  of  purpose  can  only  be  ob- 
tained by  the  application  to  administration  of  those  principles  which 
in  operation  produce  unity  in  the  kingdoms  below  the  kmo-dom  of 


118  THE   PRINCIPLES   OF   GOVERNMENT. 

ideas.  Human  government  differs  from  all  other  kinds  of  govern- 
ment in  this,  that  it  is  for  the  control  of  Mind  instead  of  Matter.  The 
natural  direction  the  individual  would  pursue  results  not  only  from 
causes  which  arise  in  his  material  nature,  but  to  these  are  superadded 
those  which  pertain  to  the  Mental  in  contradisdinction  to  Matter. 
Each  individual  is  not  only  an  epitome  of  all  previous  material  forms 
which  have  been  evolved,  but  he  is  also  the  finite  representative  of  the 
Infinite  Power  which  caused  all  those  evolutions,  and  therefore  has 
an  individualized,  determining  power  of  his  own  to  the  extent  that 
he  represents  the  Infinite ;  and  as  this  extent  differs  in  degree  so  ex- 
tensively among  the  total  of  individuals  over  whom  government  pre- 
sides, it  is  the  most  difficult  of  all  tasks  to  prescribe  forms  for  it  to 
operate  through,  by  which  it  can  reach  and  control  this  diversity. 

This  most  serious  difficulty  which  arises  at  every  step  in  the 
search  for  the  true  source  of  government,  comes  from  the  innate  senti- 
ment of  freedom  in  man,  which  is  the  truthful  expression  of  the  char- 
acteristics of  the  Infinite,  which  are  indigenious,  so  to  speak,  to  his 
nature.  He  involuntarily  resists  all  attempts  to  exercise  authority 
over  him  because  of  these  sentiments.  He  feels,  he  realizes,  that  no 
individual,  nor  any  number  of  individuals,  has  any  authority  from  any 
competent  authority  to  exercise  supreme  control  over  him  ;  and  thus  it 
is  that  all  individuals  resist  control. 

Just  at  the  point  arrived  at  comes  in  the  other  part  of  the  fact, 
which  being  considered,  modifies  the  absoluteness  of  individuality. 
Every  individual  must  either  ever  remember,  or  be  compelled  to  re- 
member, that  he  is  but  one  of  millions  of  individuals  who  live  upon 
the  face  of  the  earth,  each  one  of  whom  feels  the  same  innate  sentiment 
of  self-right;  and  thus  it  comes  that  there  should  be  no  restraint  at  all 
over  each  individual  exercising  all  his  selfish  ideas  of  rights  strictly 
within  his  individual  sphere  ;  and  that  all  these  should  be  compelled  to 
harmonize  so  that  none  may  interfere  with  others.  Even  to  this  last 
proposition  there  are  natural  modifications  to  be  inferred  from  every- 
thing below  man.  The  higher  order  has  the  authority  of  its  position  in 
the  natural  scale  of  evolution,  over  all  that  precedes  it ;  and  this 
authority  is  of  that  absolute  character  which  receives  the  sanction  of 
nature  in  all  the  kingdoms  which  man  can  view. 

The  higher  orders  of  ideas  and  thoughts  should  thus  be  the  con- 
trolling power  among  men.  They  should  assume  the  business  of  the 
artist  in  ideas,  and  prune,  dig  and  destroy,  if  possible,  all  lower  ideas 
whick  live  but  to  sap  the  vitality  from  the  more  advanced.  The  best 


THE    PRINCIPLES    OF    GOVERNMENT.  119 

expression,  then,  which  it  is  possible  for  principles  to  find  in  the  indi- 
vidualized productions  of  the  highest  arn'mal  form,  must  be  sought  in 
the  most  highly  developed  mentality ;  or  in  that  mentality  which  ex- 
presses the  most  of  the  Infinite,  and  which  is  consequently  the  highest 
authority  represented  through  humanity. 

Mentality  represents  the  most  important  department  of  the  duality 
which  constitutes  the  source  of  govermental  power ;  but  this,  acting 
alone,  would  not  prove  the  perfect  principle.  It  would  pursue  its  aims 
with  no  regard  to  sentiment  or  feeling.  It  would  ruthlessly  destroy 
all  imperfections  which  debarred  it  from  having  absolute  control,  instead 
of  endeavoring  to  consolidate  their  life  with  the  higher  and  the  better 
because  it  is  the  higher.  To  this  active,  sternly  analytic  principle, 
must  be  added  the  principle  of  unity  or  the  affectional,  which  seeks  to 
combine  all  mentality  in  one  harmony.  The  head  and  the  heart  should 
act  in  concert ;  the  head  peceiving  that  the  same  general  principles 
should  be  used  to  direct  the  forms  of  every  department  of  life,  and  en- 
deavoring to  apply  them  to  control  humanity,  should  head  the  appeals 
of  the  heart,  which,  from  its  mainsprings  of  love  and  tenderness,  feels, 
that  the  whole  universe  is  bound  together  by  the  indissoluble  ties  of 
fraternity,  and,  therefore,  should  realize  that  as  a  father  and  mother, 
they  should  govern  their  children.  Of  these  principles,  government 
should  be  the  true  exponent,  representative  and  administrator. 

But  here  the  question  arises:  How  shall  such  government  be  in- 
augurated? How  shall  those  who  are  the  best  representatives  of  ad- 
vanced ideas  and  the  broadest  fraternal  feeling  become  installed  as  the 
administrators  of  government?  Every  thinking  person  knows  that  no 
such  persons  or  principles  are  in  authority  now,  and  that  they  have  not 
been  these  many  years.  In  the  early  days  of  the  republic,  which  was 
constructed  by  men  whose  souls  were  imbued  with  these  principles — 
or  at  least  the  fraternal  principle — it  may  be  fair  to  admit  that  some- 
thing nearly  assimilating  to  the  true  kind  of  government  did  exist.  A 
government  founded  in  the  principles  ours  was  could  not  have  been 
organized  except  by  men  of  the  very  highest  order  of  development  in 
the  true  principles  of  government.  They  were  hundreds  of  years  in 
advance  of  the  general  people,  for  wtom  they  wrought,  and  it  may  be 
seriously  questioned  whether  they  have  had  any  representatives  since, 
and  whether  they  have  any  at  present,  who  are  actuated  by  any  such 
lofty  patriotism  as  they  were.  So  long  as  they  lived  it  was  but  natural 
that  the  people  should  have  continued  them  at  the  head  of  what  they 
had  constructed,  by  the  means  they  prepared  tor  the  expression  of 


120  THE    PRINCIPLES   OF    GOVERNMENT. 

their  right  oi  self-government  It  is  well  demonstrated  that  these  men 
fully  realized  the  principles  of  freedom,  equality  and  justice,  which 
realization  comes  from  the  conspicuous  development  of  the  paternal 
and  affectional  elements.  Mentality,  it  is  plain,  was  not  so  conspicu- 
ously developed,  for  they  did  not  comprehend  that  the  time  would 
come  in  which  those  who  should  fill  their  places  should  be  almost  in- 
finitely lower  in  the  scale  of  true  governmental  principles  than  they 
were,  or  that  the  controlling  motives  of  such  could  ever  descend  from 
their  lofty  stand  to  grovel  in  the  purely  selfish.  But  the  time  has  come 
and  now  is,  in  the  which  the  present  places  the  fathers  of  the  republic 
occupied  are  filled  by  those  who  are  not  in  any  sense  the  representa- 
tives of  the  true  principles  of  government.  It  is  quite  true  that  the 
people  are  responsible  for  the  men  they  select  to  represent  them,  but 
that  does  not  better  the  very  bad  fact  that  the  people  are  not  repre- 
sented, any  more  than  that  the  true  principles  of  government  are. 
When  this  fact  is  seriously  considered,  it  becomes  apparent  that  there 
is  a  difficulty  somewhere  in  the  processes  of  government  which  has  such 
imperfections  that  the  ends  oi  government  as  understood  by  its  found- 
ers are  utterly  defeated.  The  result  of  this  imperfection  is,  that  in- 
stead of  the  true  and  best  representative  men  of  the  country — those 
whom  the  previous  analysis  points  out  as  possessed  of  the  qualities 
demanded  in  government — being  chosen  to  perform  the  function  for 
which  they  are  adapted,  they  are  left  one  side,  while  others  without 
ideas  are  sent  where  they  should  go.  In  short,  the  whole  governmental 
operations  have  been  and  are  being  prostituted  to  the  selfish  ambi- 
tions of  party  leaders,  who  do  not  care  a  whit  what  means  are  used  so 
that  they  win  thereby.  This  shows  not  only  that  there  are  imperfec- 
tions in  the  organization,  but  that  there  is  much  which  is  radically 
wrong.  It  is  even  now  being  more  than  whispered  around  that  there 
is  a  plot  being  matured  by  which  some  of  those  who  are  now  in  power 
intend  to  continue  themselves  in  power,  even  if  they  are  obliged  to 
seize  upon  the  government  in  spite  of  the  people.  Such  a  plot  could 
only  bring  destruction  upon  the  actors  ;  but  that  such  a  disgraceful 
thing  could  occur,  or  even  be  conceived,  proves  that  a  remedy  is  needed 
somewhere,  which  shall  prevent  such  persons  acquiring  the  power 
they  would  thus  prostitute  to  their  own  purposes,  at  the  expense  of  the 
sacrifice  of  the  rights  of  the  people. 

This  government  is  either  a  government  for  the  people  or  for  the 
office  holders  ;  latter  practices  incline  outside  observers  to  the  opinion 
that  it  is  the  people's  only  in  theory.  If  we  examine  the  theory,  it  looks 


THE   PRINCIPLES   OF   GOVERNMENT.  121 

finely  enough ;  but  when  the  manner  it  is  outwrought  comes  under 
observance,  nothing  can  be  found  which  entitles  it  to  the  name  of  the 
people's  government  It  is  not  the  people's  government  by  a  very 
great  deal ;  nor  is  it  a  government  for  one-half  the  people  even ; 
neither  is  it  a  government  which  guarantees  equality  to  its  citizens ; 
every  count  which  can  be  made  is  against  it,  as  the  exponent  of  princi- 
ples upon  which  it  professes  to  stand. 

In  the  first  instance,  one-half  of  the  people  are  debarred  from  all 
political  rights  whatever,  and  they  are  those  who  form  the  producing 
part  of  humanity,  and  whose  interests  in  government  are  in  every  way 
equal  to  that  of  those  who  exercise  all  the  political  power.  Thus  at 
the  very  outset  we  find  a  professed  equal  government  pro?cribing  one- 
half  the  people  over  whom  its  authority  is  exercised  ;  and,  be  it  ever 
remembered,  is  fully  maintained.  While  they  are  made  responsible 
for  all  infringment  of  law,  they  have  no  voice  in  determining  what  that 
law  shall  be.  While  they  are  compelled  to  assist  equally  with  the 
preferred  class  to  maintain  and  support  governmenf  by  the  payment 
of  taxes,  revenues,  &c.,  they  have  no  power  to  control  the  use  that 
shall  be  made  of  them.  This  proscribed  class,  though  living  in  the 
United  States  of  America,  a  so-called  Republic,  are  in  no  better  condi- 
tion and  stand  in  no  superior  relation  to  the  government  they  are 
•compelled  to  give  adhesion,  respect  and  support  to,  than  are  those  of 
the  most  absolute  monarchy  upon  the  face  of  the  earth.  What  think 
you,  enslaved  people,  of  the  great,  the  free,  the  exalted  government  of 
a  country  which  professes  so  much  and  grants  you  nothing  ? 

In  the  next  instance,  it  is  not  the  government  of  the  one-half  of 
the  people  it  has  really  the  semblance  of  being,  and  which  many 
think  it  is.  To  completely  establish  this  significant  fact,  the  attention 
of  the  people  is  called  to  the  immense  minorities  in  the  several 
States,  and  the  relations  which  they  sustain  to  a  Presidential  elec- 
tion, wherein  the  sum  total  of  all  the  citizens  of  all  the  States 
who  are  permitted  to  cast  their  ballots,  and  who  do  so  cast  their 
ballots,  for  the  electors  who  vote  for  the  defeated  candidate,  exceed  the 
sum  total  of  all  the  citizens  of  all  the  States  who  are  permitted  to  cast 
their  ballots  and  who  do  so  cast  their  ballots  for  the  electors  who  vote 
for  and  elect  their  candidate.  Such  results  have  obtained ;  but  a  Presi- 
dent thus  elected  is  elected  by  the  votes  of  the  minority  of  the  citizens 
of  the  United  States  who  are  permitted  to  vote,  and  consequently,  within 
the  Union  as  a  whole,  a  person  may  occupy  the  Presidential  chair 
against  the  will  of_the  majority  of  the  voting  citizens  of  all  the 


122  THE   PRINCIPLES   OF   GOVERNMENT. 

States.  Such  is  the  perfection  of  the  forms  which  have  been  framed 
and  used  through  which  to  obtain  popular  self-government ;  and  such 
the  results  obtained. 

The  same  line  of  argument  applies  with  equal  directness  and  force 
to  the  citizens  of  each  State  in  relation  to  their  entire  State  govern- 
ment, with  the  exception  of  such  officers  as  are  elected  upon  the 
ticket  with  the  Governor ;  their  representation  in  the  lower  House  of 
Congress,  and  in  their  Legislatures  and  through  their  Legislators  and  their 
representation  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  may  be,  and  often  is,, 
that  of  the  minority  of  the  voting  citizens  of  the  State.  The  same  is- 
also  true  of  all  incorporated  cities  outside  of  their  general  officers. 

This  condition  of  affairs  shows  that  there  are  two  conflicting  prin- 
ciples ever  operating  against  each  other,  and  that  then:  very  worst  fea- 
tures appear  when  their  object  is  the  "  first  office  in  the  gift  of  the 
people,"  which,  above  all  others,  should  be  filled  by  the  choice  of  the 
majority  of  all  the  citizens  of  all  the  States. 

Scarcely  less  in  importance,  as  compared  with  the  Chief  Magis- 
tracy of  the  Union,  is  the  importance  of  Congressional  legislation, 
which  should  be  determined  by  Representatives  and  Senators  who 
should  represent  the  majority  of  all  the  voting  citizens  of  all  the 
States.  This  government  will  always  stand  in  danger  of  being  over- 
thrown by  the  unrepresented  majority,  so  long  as  such  forms  of  arriv- 
ing at  representation  are  allowed  to  determine  these  questions,  which 
lie  at  the  very  basis  of  a  republican  form  of  government 

r  -The  whole  difficulty  which  this  question  presents  arises  from  the 
seeming  stubbornness  with  which  the  people  refuse  to  understand  that 
the  interests  of  the  people  as  a  whole  can  only  be  promoted  by  promo- 
ting the  interests  of  each  individual  composing  the  whoJe.  In  this- 
consideration  the  Democratic  doctrine  of  States  rights,  to  which  the 
Democrats  adhere  even  yet  with  so  much  apparent  stubbornness,  is  ut- 
terly subversive  of  the  first  principles  of  unity  •  and  it  may  be  emphati- 
cally stated  that  until  enlightenment  is  obtained  upon  this  point  by  the 
common  ignorance  of  the  country,  there  is  no  security  from  wars  such 
as  that  from  the  effects  of  which  we  have  not  yet  fully  recovered.  The 
same  principle  of  States  rights,  as  compared  with  those  of  all  the  States, 
if  a  correct  principle  of  self-government,  should  also  be  recognized  as- 
the  proper  one  to  be  acted  upon  in  counties  as  against  the  State,  and  in 
cities  as  against  counties  and  States,  and  in  wards  as  against  cities,  and 
by  citizens  as  against  the  wards  in  which  they  reside,  and  by  the  sev- 
eral  partners  of  firms  as  against  the  authority  of  the  firm  as  a  whole. 


THE   PRINCIPLES   OF   GOVERNMENT.  123 

It  is  the  only  mischievous  principle  which  is  operating  to  destroy  the 
Republic  which  is  prophetic  of  so  much  civilization  and  advancement 
to  the  whole  world. 

Under  the  application  of  such  principle  a  single  government  for 
all  the  "nations,  kindred  and  tongues"  of  the  earth  would  be  utterly 
impossible  and  impracticable.  Nothing  but  strife,  contention  and  wars 
would  follow  a  government  founded  on  such  principles  of  individuality 
as  do  not  and  will  not  recognize  the  superiority  of  the  community  as 
compared  to  the  individual  members  of  it.  Upon  this  principle  brought 
•down  to  individuals,  every  individual  would  have  the  absolute  right 
to  act  upon  his  own  self-interests,  no  matter  how  seriously  such  action 
might  interfere  with  others  possessing  the  same  right.  The  community 
would  have  no  right  to  compel  any  restraints  upon  the  individual  un- 
der this  principle  of  rule.  This  principle  applied  everywhere  would 
carry  us  back  to  pre-historic  times,  when  every  individual  was  his  own 
supreme  authority,  and  maintained  it  at  the  risk  of  his  life.  This  is 
the  purest  form  of  anarchy,  and  as  such  is  laid  down  ,by  all  writers 
upon  pre-historic  times. 

Why  do  not  the  advocates  of  States  rights  contend  for  the  appli- 
cation of  the  same  principle  to  its  fullest  extent,  and  thereby  become 
consistent?  Why  do  they  advocate  any  general  government  at  all? 
The  truth  and  the  facts  of  the  case  are,  that  such  doctrines  as  recognize 
the  rights  of  the  individual  as  superior  to  the  rights  of  the  community  in 
which  he  resides,  are  subversive  of  the  first  principles  of  order.  Sup- 
pose such  principles  governed  the  entire  sidereal  and  solar  systems, 
what  chance  among  so  many  vast  planets  would  our  little  earth  have  ? 
It  is  saved  from  destruction  because  there  is  a  Prime  Power  which  com- 
pels them  all  into  harmony  of  action  and  movement,  whatever  courses  their 
•individual  proclivities  would  lead  them  to.  The  application  of  this  gen- 
eral superior  controlling  power  in  governmental  affairs  is  the  only 
method  which  can  secure — because  it  will  compel — harmony. 


THE    PRINCIPLES    OF    GOVERNMENT. 


NO.    IV. 


Notwithstanding  all  this,  which  has  been  said  in  opposition  to  the 
doctrine  of  individual  sovereignty  as  the  true  principle  of  government 
it  contains  the  germ  of  an  ultimate  truth,  which  will  be  realized  when 


124  THE  PRINCIPLES  OF  GOVERNMENT. 

the  total  of  individuals  forming  the  world's  community  shall  have  be- 
come so  advanced  from  the  present  low  conditions  to  those  of  wisdom 
and  love,  as  to  make  every  individual  involuntarily  recognize  the  rights 
of  every  other  individual.  In  other  words,  individual  sovereignty  will 
be  the  principle  of  government  when  that  time  shall  come  wherein 
there  will  be  no  necessity  for  government,  because  the  people  shall  have 
grown  into  the  condition  of  a  universal  brotherhood.  It  is  this  innate 
sense  of  individual  right  which  is  present  in  the  consciousness  of  every 
individual  who  has  grown  to  know  he  is  an  individual,  which  makes 
this  constant  conflict  between  ultimation  and  approximation.  It  is  the 
expression,  politically,  of  the  same  principle  which,  religiously  ex- 
pressed, makes  it  possible  for  the  consciousness  of  the  individual  to 
contain  an  un definable  knowledge  of  a  Great  First  Cause,  and  at  the 
same  time  to  feel  that  he  is  an  individual  agent.  In  other  words,  it  is 
the  old  doctrine  of  free  agency  reproduced  in  the  political  world,  which, 
if  it  is  but  considered  a  single  moment  with  an  unprejudiced  mind,  it 
must  be  seen  that  there  is  no  such  thing  as  free  agency ;  for  every  indi- 
vidual is  dependent  upon  something,  over  which  he  has  no  control, 
every  instant  of  his  whole  life,  which  something  even  produces  the 
capacity  which  gives  him  the  power  to  think  he  is  free. 

It  will  be  seen,  then,  that  the  great  general  principles  which  gov- 
ern the  entire  universe,  are  recognized  in  the  proposition  that  all  people 
are  born  free  and  equal,  and  entitled  to  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of 
happiness,  which  are  inalienable  rights  ;  but  it  fails  to  be  comprehended 
that  the  inalienable  rights  of  freedom  are  limited  by  the  other  condition 
of  equality,  which  makes  every  individual  free  within  the  distinct  sphere 
of  his  individuality,  but  not  free  within  the  sphere  of  other  individuals. 
He  has  the  inalienable  right  to  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happi- 
ness, when  it  is  not  exercised  at  the  expense  of  the  inalienable  rights  of 
others  in  the  same  direction.  These  are  the  governing  laws  which  the 
worlds  obey,  and  which  control  the  minutest  particles  of  matter.  And 
these  are  the  true  "  Principles  of  Government" 

It  will  be  also  seen  that  the  forms  by  which  the  principles  of  our 
government  are  administered  are  imperfect,  and  consequently  that,  how- 
ever much  we  may  reverence  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  it 
requires  remodeling  to  enable  the  true  principles  of  government  to  find 
expression  through  it.  The  inconsistencies,  also,  of  the  rights  of  States, 
as  represented  by  the  common  government,  must  also  be  removed.  The 
State  is  either  the  source  of  governmental  power  or  it  must  proceed 
irom  all  the  States,  as  combined  in  government  If  the  former,  we  are 


THE   PRINCIPLES   OF   GOVERNMENT.  125 

no  more  to  be  respected  as  a  Union  than  the  numerous  Ital'an  and  Ger- 
man States  were  before  the  consolidation.     The  republic,  under  such 
construction,  amounts  to  nothing  more  or  less  than  a  union  for  offen- 
sive and  defensive  purposes,  at  the  option  of  the  several  States,  which  is 
as  purely  a  governmental  force  as  could  well  be  imagined.     The  incon- 
sistency of  this  construction  of  the  Constitution  was  fully  shown  in  No. 
IIL  of  the  "  Limits  and  Sphere  of  Government,"  and  need  not  be  re- 
peated here ;  the  subject  has  been  pursued  here,  that  the  utter  folly,  in- 
consistency and  impossibility  of  the  recognition  of  individual  rights, 
where  such  rights  conflict  with  the  community  as  a  whole,  might  be 
the  more  palpably  apparent.     Having  considered  the  source  of  the  im- 
perfections which  exist  in  the  form  of  our  government,  what  should 
legitimately  follow  for  consideration  is,  the  remedy.     In  the  first  place, 
the  theory  of  States  rights  must  be  abandoned,  and  each  State  must 
become  a  member  of  the  Union  by  organizing  under  a  common  form, 
to  be  prescribed  by  them  all,  or  by  the  present  required  constitutional 
majority  of  them  all,  to  make  an.  amendment  to  the  Constitution  valid. 
The  same  rule  should  be  applied  as  that  which  has  come  to  be  a  recog- 
nized necessity  in  States  regarding  incorporating  companies.     All  the 
States  should  be  required  to  organize  under  a  general  State  law,  which 
should  be  clearly  and  concisely  set  forth  in  the  Constitution,  which 
should  recognize  the  general  government  as  the  determining  power, 
and  not  that  it  exists  by  the  sufferance  of  the  States,  but  that  the  States 
exist  as  organic  bodies,' because  they  have  complied  with  the  require- 
ments of  the  Constitution,  which  was  necessary  to   constitute  them 
States.      In  conformity  with  such  acquired  power,  States  should  pre- 
scribe the  means  by  which  cities  can  become  incorporated.     In  this 
way,  unity  of  purpose  and  harmony  of  interest  can  be  secured  from  the 
individual  up  to  the  total  of  individuals  forming  the  nation. 

Such  a  government  would  be  a  strong  government  indeed,  but  one 
in  which  its  composing  members  of  States  and  the  composing  members 
of  individuals  would  have  the  utmost  extent  of  freedom  that  the  inter- 
ests of  the  whole  would  admit  If  this  is  not  the  end  to  be  gained  by 
government,  then  government  is  a  simple  farce,  and  unworthy  of  being 
allowed  to  exist  anywhere.  From  the  earliest  historic  ages  the  world 
has  constantly  been  extending  to  individuals  through  its  forms  of  gov- 
ernment, more  and  wider  freedom  and  greater  privileges  and  immuni- 
ties. This  process  will  continue  to  spread,  as  the  general  people  be- 
come more  and  better  fitted  to  be  the  recipients  and  the  appreciators  of 
such  extensions  to  them. 


126  THE   PRINCIPLES   OF   GOVERNMENT. 

The  individual  lias  more  rights  and  privileges  to-day  in  the  world 
than  at  any  other  previous  time,  but  all  individuals  have  not  yet  become 
such  perfect  laws  to  themselves  that  no  formulated  law  is  required  to 
restrain  them  from  the  infraction  of  others'  present  rights,  privileges 
and  immunities.  Until  such  time  come,  a  strong  central  government  is 
required. 

A  strong  central  government  does  not  necessarily  mean  anything  ap- 
proaching a  monarchy.  But  it  does  mean  a  republic  which  will  have  the 
support  of  all  its  citizens  as  a  central  support,  instead  of  each  State  com- 
prising the  Union  reserving  to  itself  the  right  to  differ  from  the  central 
power.  In  such  a  government,  the  majority  of  the  people  would,  at 
any  time,  have  the  right  to  elect  new  officers,  as  provided  for,  so  that 
the  strong  central  power  would  not  be  in  the  individuals  administering 
the  government,  but  in  the  organic  law  which  constitutes  the  several 
parts  of  the  country  a  common  government,  which,  while  being  the 
strongest  possible  governmental  form,  it  would,  at  the  same  time  guar- 
antee the  greatest  possible  freedom,  equality  and  justice  to  its  people 
which  would  be  compatible  with  the  common  interests  and  the  common 
good. 

Lastly,  such  a  central  power  of  government  is  the  only  one  to 
which  peoples  not  already  within  the  government  could  be  admitted 
without  endangering  its  existence.  A  new  State  desires  to  become  as- 
sociated with  the  several  States  forming  the  present  Union.  Immedi- 
ately she  is  admitted,  she  has,  under  the  present  doctrine  and  practice, 
the  right  to  withdraw.  She  has  been  admitted  by  and  with  the  consent 
of  the  required  majority  of  the  States  previously  constituting  the 
Union ;  therefore,  logically,  she  has  not  the  right  to  withdraw  without 
the  same  consent  It  required  this  consent  added  to  her  free  and  self- 
expressed  desire  to  become  a  State;  it  should  also  require  the  same 
consent  before  she  should  be  allowed  to  withdraw  from  ihe  Union. 

Under  a  general  rule  for  the  admission  of  new  States,  and  of 
allowing  addition  to  the  present  limits  of  the  Union,  all  that  would  be 
required  would  be  for  the  people  of  a  certain  limit  to  adopt  the  require- 
ments of  the  Constitution,  and  present  themselves  to  Congress  for  ad- 
mission. Aggregation,  according  to  this  rule,  could  always  proceed 
without  ever  endangering  the  safety  of  the  general  government,  because 
a  country  once  having  become  a  part  of  the  Union  would  be  under 
the  mighty  constraint  of  the  whole  Union  to  properly  and  peacefully 
perform  the  functions  of  a  State  in  the  Union.  This  condition  can  be 
well  illustrated,  by  supposing  that  there  was  a  confederation  of  all  the 


THE    PRINCIPLES   OF    GOVERNMENT.  127 

European  powers  to  preserve  peace  among  themselves  under  certain 
denned  agreements.  If  a  single  power  violated  any  of  those  agree- 
ments, or  attempted  to  make  war  upon  its  own  account  against  another 
nation,  a  party  to  the  agreement,  all  the  other  contracting  powers 
would  be  in  honor  bound  to  make  the  interest  of  the  nation  against 
which  proceedings  were  being  had  contrary  to  the  common  agreement 
their  own.  War,  under  such  conditions,  would  be  practically  impossi- 
ble. So  would  disunion,  under  the  proposed  system  of  confederation. 
The  country  which  shall  first  adopt  such  a  system  will  be  the 
•centre  of  the  future  Universal  Government  of  the  world ;  and  it  is  with 
this  view  in  mind  that  these  suggestions  are  offered  to  the  people  of 
the  United  States  of  America,  which  country  is,  by  the  common  order  of 
the  universe,  appointed  to  be  that  centre,  to  the  end  that  they  shall  see 
the  necessity  of  immediate  action  to  perfect  the  organic  laws  of  the 
•country. 


PAPERS  ON  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL, 


NO.    I. 

It  is  a  mistaken  notion  that  the  interests  of  labor  and  capital  are 
in  any  way  antagonistic  to  each  other.  This  fallacy  has,  however, 
taken  such  hold  of  the  minds  of  the  representatives  of  both 
these  interests,  that  it  is  engendering  a  spirit  of  bitterness  which, 
it  is  to  be  feared,  will  grow  into  as  fierce  a  character  as  that  against 
slavery  did.  It  is  always  hard  to  produce  any  argument  that  will  con- 
vince this  spirit  If  convinced,  the  spirit  of  opposition  will  not  be 
calmed,  and  obstinacy,  assuming  the  place  of  all  sentiment,  compels  the 
individual  to  remain  rebellious. 

It  is  most  true  that  there  could  be  no  capital  unless  labor 
first  existed.  This  stamps  labor  as  of  the  greater  importance.  Let  a 
person  be  cast  upon  a  fertile  island,  without  pecuniary  means,  and  he 
will  live  by  labor  from  its  fertility  ;  but  let  him  fall  upon  an  utterly 
barren  and  sterile  land,  and  all  the  millions  of  a  Kothschild  would  not 
insure  his  existence.  So  it  is  everywhere,  and  under  all  circumstances, 
to  a  greater  or  less  extent.  Labor  can  exist — though  not  flourish — 
without  capital ;  but  capital  cannot  exist  entirely  divorced  from  labor. 
Being  dependent  upon  it  for  primary  existence,  it  must  ever  remain 
under  a  direct  analysis  in  the  state  of  semi-importance. 

The  capitalist  is  the  more  unreasonable  of  the  two  in  the  position 
he  assumes.  He  continues  to  apply  all  his  energies  to  the  acquisition 
of  wealth,  utterly  regardless,  in  most  cases,  of  any  idea  of  justice  to 
what  has  given  it  to  him.  The  general  practice  is — and  this  is  the  true 
test,  for  whatever  is  of  general  application  must  be  governed  by  some 


PAPEKS  ON  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL.  129 

underlying  principle  of  right — when  capital  requires  any  given  thing 
done  which  it  is  obliged  to  apply  to  labor  to  accomplish,  it  must  give 
one-half  interest  in  the  venture  to  enlist  its  co-operation.  This  is  true= 
regarding  nearly  all  speculative  pursuits,  and  when  there  is  an  actual 
necessity  for  either  to  apply  to  the  other  for  aid  to  carry  out  its  desires, 
this  rule  of  agreement  always  obtains.  This  forms  one  of  the  most, 
conclusive  arguments  by  which  to  demonstrate  the  true  relations  of 
labor  and  capital,  and  should  be  made  the  basis  of  all  co-operation. 

It  is  not  for  the  best  interests  of  the  wealthy  to  become  still  more- 
so  at  the  expense  of  poverty  to  those  under  them.  On  the  contrary,  it  is 
their  true  interest  to  render  fullest  justice  and  strictest  equality  to  the 
demands  of  labor,  to  be  determined  by  the  principles  that  shall  pro- 
mote the  most  general  good.  It  is  the  greatest  mistake  of  the  age — it 
has  been  the  greatest  mistake  of  all  ages — to  suppose  that  individual 
benefit  must  accrue  from  the  acquisition  of  wealth  at  the  expense  or 
sacrifice  of  any  general  principle  of  justice.  It  is  also  a  great  mistake 
for  labor  to  array  itself  in  opposition  to  wealth,  and  to  form  combina- 
tions to  control  it.  It  is  too  late  in  the  ages  for  these  kinds  of  argu- 
ments to  convince.  They  can  only  end  in  producing  still  more  injus- 
tice and  distance  between  the  two  interests,  which  distance  will  be  filled 
by  rankling  bitterness  and  contemptuous  insinuation.  An  approach  of 
the  two  interests  is  what  is  desired — an  assimilation  of  them,  so  that  the 
same  end  shall  be  best  for  each. 

It  may  be  laid  down  as  an  unanswerable  proposition  that  there  can 
be  no  general  happiness,  peace  or  comfort  among  a  people  so  long  as 
the  principles  society  is  built  upon  tend  to  promote  unequal  distribu- 
tions of  the  products  of  labor ;  and  this  brings  us  to  the  consideration 
of  the  remedy.  It  is  to  reconstruct  society  upon  such  principles  as  shall 
tend  to  promote  complete  unity,  harmony  and  equality  among  its  vari- 
ous classes.  To  accomplish  this  it  should  be  the  special  aim  of  every 
one  possessed  of  wisdom  enough  to  comprehend  a  common  logical  prop- 
osition to  endeavor  to  bring  about  this  equality  by  diffusing  the  deduc- 
tions of  it,  in  all  possible '  ways,  among  both  classes.  Let  the  various 
producing  and  exchanging  classes  exist  as  they  do,  but  let  their  rela- 
tions be  governed  by  such  rule  of  law  as  shall  render  them  equal,  both 
as  to  caste  and  to  the  benefits  to  be  derived  from  an  equal  interest 
in  the  common  cause  of  the  brotherhood  of  mankind. 

NEW  YORK,  July  10,  1870. 
9 


130  PAPEES  ON  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL. 


PAPERS  ON  LABOE  AND  CAPITAL. 


NO.  II. 


The  strife  that  is  being  urged  to  create  divergence  between  the 
interests  of  these  bases  of  society  is  purely  the  result  of  ignorance  of 
the  first  principles  of  constructive  use  on  the  part  of  their  representa- 
tives. Instead  of  an  endeavor  to  demonstrate  to  the  understanding  of 
.all,  the  true  principles  which  underlie  these  interests,  which  would 
effectually  unite  them,  those  who  have  selfish  personal  ends  in  view  seek 
to  further  them,  by  engendering  a  spirit  of  bitterness  and  a  desire  for 
.strife.  There  are  those  who  cherish  the  ideas  of  aristocracy  who  have 
no  wealth,  on  the  one  hand,  and  are  too  indolent  to  endeavor  to  attain  their 
•desires  by  active  labor,  on  the  other,  who  think  to  create  some  serious 
diversion,  and  upon  it  to  ride  into  place  and  power.  This  class  of  indi- 
viduals are  ever  busy  stirring  the  coals  of  dissatisfaction  into  flames  of 
rebellion,  thinking  thereby  to  become  the  acknowledged  representatives 
of  the  labor  interest  It  is  generally  true  that  a  cause  supported  by  such 
means  has  no  principles  upon  which  to  base  its  claims ;  but  in  this  in- 
stance the  most  absolute  and  just  principles  are  ignored,  while  cant  and 
bombast  usurp  their  proper  sphere. 

It  is  quite  true  that  there  is  a  growing  tendency  to  centralize  capi- 
tal, and  that  consolidation  of  monetary  interests  is  the  rule ;  but  the 
fault  of  this  does  not  lie  in  capital  or  capitalists — it  is  farther  back 
than  it  or  they.  It  is  in  the  people  themselves,  and  in  the  fundamental 
principles  upon  which  society  is  built,  and  those  which  the  people  al- 
low government  to  be  administered  upon.  If  the  laws  of  a  country 
permit  the  doing  of  a  certain  thing,  which  it  is  for  the  interests  of  a 
certain  few  to  do,  and  they  chose  to  avail  themselves  of  it,  there  are 
many  to  be  found  in  these  times  so  much  governed  by  the  desire  for 
the  public  welfare  as  to  take  the  advantage  offered  them  by  the  peo- 
ple, for  it  comes  down  to  that  at  last.  The  labor  class  have  it  in  their 


PAPERS  ON  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL.  131 

power  to  send  to  Congress  just  those  who  shall  fully  represent  their  in- 
terests; but  they  do  not  do  this;  most  of  them  are  found  actively  sup- 
porting those  whom  Capital  selects  and  holds  up  for  their  suffrages.  The 
remedy  lies  with  the  people,  and  they  must  make  use  of  it  before  they 
can  ever  expect  to  see  their  rights  adjusted. 

There  is,  as  was  said  above,  no  conflict  between  Capital  and  Labor. 
The  conflict  is  among  their  representatives.  On  the  contrary,  there  is 
an  entire  harmony  of  interests  between  them.  The  true  interests  of 
each  are  best  promoted  by  rendering  justice,  full  and  complete,  to  the 
other,  and  in  the  understanding  of  this  lies  the  only  solution  of  the 
Labor  Question.  Strife  may  continue,  war,  even,  may  come  of  the 
strife,  but  finally  the  settlement  must  be  made  upon  the  principles  of 
justice,  which  underlie  their  relations.  One  comes  from  the  existence 
of  the  other ;  this,  when  created,  should  ever  acknowledge  its  paternity,, 
and  never  assert  supremacy,  nor  be  allowed  to  do  so  ;  to  be  so  allowed 
shows  that  defects  exist  in  the  fundamental  principles  of  government, 
or  in  its  application  to  existing  things.  These  defects  it  should  be  the 
duty  of  those  who  prate  with  so  much  volubility  to  discover  and  pro- 
claim, to  the  end  that  they  may  be  understood  by  ihe  people.  The 
people  in  turn  should  send  as  their  representatives  to  fr.ime  laws,  suck 
persons  as  shall  make  it  their  business  to  attend  to  their  duties  rather 
than  those  who  allow  themselves  to  become  immersed  in  the  schemes- 
of  plotting  politicians  who  seek  eternally  to  continue  themselves  in 
place  and  power,  and  who  lose  all  sight  of,  or  care  for,  their  constitu- 
ency, in  their  necessarily  continuous  efforts  to  secure  that  end.  Such, 
representatives  should  be  religiously  ostracized  by  the  common  people,. 
and  none  tolerated  but  such  as  understand  the  relations  which  the  in- 
terests they  wish  fostered  bear  to  those  they  feel  they  are  becom- 
ing subjected  to,  and  who  will  unflinchingly  advocate  them  at  all 
proper  times  and  in  all  proper  places.  The  durability  of  government 
rests  upon  the  entire  harmony  of  all  the  interests  it  is  framed  toprotect,. 
'and  no  country  can  ever  become  continuously  prosperous  that  has: 
within  it  the  elements  of  discord ;  no  country  can  endure  for  any  length 
of  time  that  does  not  Seek  to  eradicate  all  causes  of  dissatisfaction,  and 
to  so  adjust  its  interdependencies  that  they  shall  be  mutual  and  just  to- 
each  as  individuals,  and  to  all  as  the  public. 

NEW  YORK,  July  20,  1870. 


132  PAPERS  ON  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL. 


PAPEES  ON  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL. 


NO.  III. 

• 

The  duty  of  the  philanthropist  is  to  point  out  the  harmony  of 
interests  that  exists  between  the  extremes  of  the  different  grades  that 
society  consists  of.  There  are  a  certain  class  of  would-be  reformers, 
who  make  it  their  business  to  stir  up  strife  and  contention  between 
these  grades,  and  thus  to  separate  their  interests,  and  to  make  it  appear 
that  they  are  antagonistic.  The  number  of  the  latter  class  as  compared 
with  the  former,  gives  them  a  preponderant  influence,  'which,  added  to 
the  real  grievances  existing,  enables  them  to  create  considerable  excite- 
ment and  much  imagined  wrong,  which  has  no  foundation  in  fact. 

The  laboring  classes,  being  occupied  by  their  labor,  do  not  devote 
much  time  to  the  study  of  the  circumstances  that  control  their  condi- 
tion. They  see  that  other  classes  fatten  .from  their  productions,  and 
without  stopping  to  inquire  why  it  is  so,  straightway  conclude  that  they 
are  the  subjects  of  an  oppressive  power  which  desires  to  completely 
wrest  the  results  of  their  labor  from  them,  and  to  always  keep  them 
in  the  condition  of  virtual  vassalage.  This  conclusion  rouses  the  spirit 
of  independence  in  the  laborer,  and  he  determines  to  redress  his 
wrongs.  He  sets  about  forming  combinations,  having  in  view  the  con- 
trol of  wages  and  hours,  not  comprehending  that  the  remedy  lies  deeper 
than  these,  or  that  these  would  regulate  themselves,  could  the  true 
cause  of  the  condition  they  rebel  against  be  reached  and  generally  un: 
derstood.  While  it  is  true  that  capital  can  never  enslave  labor  to  a  de- 
gree that  can  be  considered  compulsory  on  the  part  of  capital,  and  un- 
necessary on  the  part  of  labor,  it  is  equally  true  that  labor  cannot  com- 
pel capital  to  its  commands.  Therefore  both  these  methods  of  cure 
should  be  abandoned,  and  preventive  means  be  resorted  to  instead. 
And  these  it  is  our  duty  to  point  out 

The  judicious  architect,  before  pulling  down  the  old  structure, 
provides  the  material  to  replace  it ;  in  other  words,  he  substitutes  the 


PAPERS  ON  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL.  133 

new  for  the  old,  and  in  the  process  leaves  no  unnecessary  interval  in 
which  the  fostered  interests  shall  be  left  to  the  vicissitudes  of  anarchy. 
It  is  evident  from  the  rapidly  spreading  knowledge  among  the  laboring 
classes,  that  they  will  soon  demand  some  modifications  in  the  forms,  and 
in  the  relations  they  sustain  through  them  to  society.  Before  breaking 
down  the  present  organizations  society  exists  in,  by  revolution,  which 
would  end  in  a  period  of  anarchy,  out  of  which  better  conditions  might 
grow,  the  better  conditions  should  be  first  considered,  prepared  and  de- 
termined upon,  and,  by  being  thoroughly  understood,  should  be  sub- 
stituted for  the  present  by  general  consent,  without  society  being  com- 
pelled to  pass  through  the  anarchical  period  that  succeeds  all  violent 
disruptions  of  present  forms,  whether  in  government,  religion  or  society. 

As  society  is  constructed  at  present,  it  must  look  to  legislation  to 
produce  forms  and  to  enforce  order  through  them,  that  society  may  ob- 
serve in  their  operations  the  better  results  to  them.  Society  expresses 
itself  most  powerfully  through  legislation.  Public  opinion  is  a  force 
capable  of  many  things,  but  is  powerless  to  redress  grievances  or  to  in- 
stitute the  new  and  better  for  the  old  and  decayed,  unless  it  is  directed 
by  the  formula  of  law.  All  the  energies  of  labor  reform,  then,  should 
be  directed  to  the  main  point,  from  which  benefit  to  itself  must  spring. 
It  should  waste  no  time  nor  strength  upon  the  minor  issues,  but  con- 
centrate all  upon  the  one  strategic  point.  And  when  this  concentra- 
tion is  effected,  it  should  not  fritter  away  its  strength  by  dealing  with 
the  contingencies  of  the  present,  or  in  small  expedients,  to  enable  us  to 
dodge  along,  simply  escaping  shipwreck,  to  be  again  forced  the  next 
day,  week  or  year,  to  the  same  expedients  to  escape  similar  shoals.  In- 
stead, it  should  direct  all  its  capacities  to  substitute  a  new  and  better 
foundation,  upon  which  a  new  and  better  superstructure  of  society  can 
be  reared.  How  shall  such  a  work  be  begun  ? 

Legislation  is  the  primary  constructive  point  from  which  better 
conditions  must  emanate.  The  laboring  classes,  then,  must  see  to  it 
that  they  are  properly  represented  in  legislation.  Nor  should  they  be 
deceived  into  the  support  of  any  who,  by  bluster  and  tongue,  loudly 
proclaim  themselves  the  champions  of  labor,  without  the  understanding 
of  the  first  principles  that  control  the  relations  of  labor  to  capital.  Let 
it  be  set  down,  once  for  all  time,  that  he  who  denounces  capital  as  the 
oppressor  is  not  the  representative  labor  should  choose  to  right  its 
wrongs.  In  every  community  there  are  some  who  think  a  great  deal 
and  say  little ;  these,  as  a  general  thing,  are  the  antipodes  of  those  who 
say  a  great  deal  and  think  little.  Though  the  last  are  usually  found 


134  PAPERS   ON  LABOR  AND   CAPITAL. 

floating  about  the  surface  of  society,  it  is  to  the  first,  society  must  look 
for  that  wisdom,  judgment  and  executive  ability  that  shall  guide  it  to- 
the  desired  harbor. 

It  should  be  the  first  duty  of  the  labor  interest,  in  each  State  or 
national  district,  to  select  and  elect  one  from  that  class  that  has  calmly 
observed  the  workings  of  present  systems,  and  who  can  show  where 
the  cause  of  existing  ills  lies.  It  is  to  the  philosopher,  and  not  to  the 
politician,  that  the  labor  interest  must  turn  its  eyes,  and  though  he  be 
not  smooth  of  tongue  and  glib  of  speech,  he  will  lay  such  a  foundation 
in  law  as  will  produce  the  conditions  desired.  Your  present  repre- 
sentatives, State  and  national,  have  shown  themselves  incompetent  to 
the  task  you  demand  of  them.  Leave  them  to  seek  their  level,  and 
turn  you  to  others,  who  will  not  lose  sight  of  your  interests  in  the  al- 
lurements which  place  and  power  present  You  cannot  expect  that 
those  who  are  not  of  you  can  appreciate  your  wants  or  understand 
your  conditions.  Choose  from  among  yourselves  and  you  will  not  go 
far  astray.  There  are,  however,  noble  exceptions  to  this  rule  of  de- 
cision. There  are  those  who  were  reared  in  wealth  whose  hearts  sym- 
pathize with  you,  and  who  feel  quite  as  keenly  as  you  do  the  injustice 
you  suffer.  In  these  you  will  find  your  best  advocates,  but  see  to  it 
that  your  suffrages  are  never,  once  again,  worse  than  withheld. 

You  are  in  the  majority,  and  the  fault  is  your  own  if  you  do  not 
make  use  of  the  power  you  possess.  Nominate  and  elect  your  own 
men  ;  if  your  first  choice  fails  you,  try  again,  and  continue  trying,  un- 
til the  right  man  for  the  position  is  found ;  and  when  found,  while 
holding  him  strictly  accountable,  give  him  your  cordial  support  while 
he  is  true  to  your  interests.  Most  persons  who  occupy  position  now, 
feel  compelled  to  yield  principle  to  the  demands  of  policy,  in  order  to 
retain  it.  This  must  be  remedied.  None  are  fit  to  hold  position  who 
will  sacrifice  one  iota  of  their  conviction  in  order  to  retain  it.  Self- 
interest  must  be  surrendered  to  those  whose  power  fills  the  place,  and 
for  the  time  being  it  must  act  as  the  representative  of  them  and  not  as 
its  own.  It  cannot  be  too  strongly  insisted  upon,  nor  too  often  re- 
peated, that  it  is  the  first  duty  of  the  labor  interest  to  look  to  it  that 
our  halls  of  legislation  are  filled  by  those  who  understand  the  true  and 
the  harmonious  relations  of  labor  and  capital 

NEW  YORK,  July  27,  1870. 


PAPERS  ON  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL.  135 


PAPEKS  ON  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL. 


NO.    IV. 

In  our  last  the  attempt  was  made  to  show  how  important  the 
laborer  should  consider  the  choice  of  representatives  to  be,  and  also 
what  class  of  persons  should  be  chosen.  The  task  of  making  these  se- 
lections cannot  be  begun  too  soon.  In  every  district  in  the  Union  the 
laborers  should  be  made  alive  to  this  question.  Some  who  fully  appre- 
ciate its  importance  should  take  it  upon  themselves  to  begin  the  work ; 
they  should  converse  with  the  few  they  come  in  contact  with,  and  these, 
becoming  interested,  should  be  induced  to  extend  the  agitation ;  and 
finally,  all  over  the  country,  primary  labor  meetings  would  come  to  be 
held  for  the  full  and  complete  discussion  of  the  whole  subject 

It  is  the  most  complete  evidence  of  supineness  on  the  part  of  the 
laboring  classes  that  they  are  not  now  represented  as  they  should  be. 
Being  so  vastly  in  the  majority,  every  office  should  be  filled  by  them. 
The  difficulty  has  been — and  we  fear  will  be — that  while  the  laborer 
has  been  busy  at  his  regular  task,  others  have  managed  the  incipient 
stages  that  produce  the  candidates,  in  such  a  manner  that  the  interests 
of  the  majority  have  been  entirely  ignored.  Finally,  when  the  regular 
party  ticket  is  presented,  the  least  objectionable  one  receives  the  sup- 
port ;  and  thus  it  comes  that  the  real  interests  and  wishes  of  the  people 
are  seldom  represented,  and  as  seldom  is  the  elected  candidate  the  "real 
choice  of  the  people. 

Unless  our  laboring  classes  arouse  themselves  to  the  real  import- 
ance of  this  matter,  and  become  willing  to  devote  sufficient  time  to  pre- 
paring their  candidates,  they  should  cease  blaming  others  for  results ; 
for  they  now  complain  of  things  they  have  ifr  in  their  power  to  remedy, 
but  which  they  cannot  expect  others,  whose  interests  seem  to  be  at 
variance  with  theirs,  to  correct  for  them.  Those  who  declaim  so  loudly 
and  profusely  about  the  wrongs  labor  suffers  at  the  instance  of  capital, 
should  be  strictly  guarded  against,  lest  they,  unwittingly,  become  your 
leaders  and  advisers. 


136  PAPERS  ON  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL.  , 

There  are  at  all  times  numbers  of  persons  standing  waiting  and 
ready  to  step  forward  to  take  advantage  of  any  favorable  movement 
among  the  people  which  seems  to  offer  inducements.  It  matters  not 
to  them  in  what,  or  where  the  movement  may  originate ;  they  have  no 
principles  to  crush  out  or  control  in  order  -that  they  may  fall  into  the 
current.  It  is  almost  impossible  to  escape  the  curse  of  these  ever- 
ready  tools.  The  safest  and  surest  remedy  against  them  is  to  select 
those  who  have  never  mingled,  in  politics,  and  who  will  come  direct 
from  the  shop  or  the  field.  It  does  not  matter  so  much  if  they 
are  not  able  advocates,  if  they  only  understand  the  work  to  be  done 
and  are  devoted  and  true.  Let  this  course  be  pursued  a  few  years, 
and  the  enormous  proportion  of  lawyer-legislators  woutd  be  diminished 
by  one-half.  Many  of  these  have  no  sympathies  in  common  with  you ;  ^ 
most  of  them  are,  by  all  their  controlling  influences,  drawn  from  the 
Consideration  even  of  your  condition.  "What  does  it  matter  to  them  if 
the  few  articles  you  must  purchase  to  render  yourselves  and  families 
comfortable,  cost  you  ten,  twenty  or  fifty  per  cent,  more  than  the 
actual  cost  of  their  production,  if  corporations  for  which  they  are  attorneys 
become  still  more  corpulent  upon  this  that  is  indirectly  filched  from 
you  !  For,  do  you  not  know  that  capital  under  such  rule  does  not  pay 
the  taxes  of  the  country,  but  that  your  labor  does  ?  In  this  way,  the 
common  laborer,  who  should  not  be  compelled  to  pay  any  levy  at  all, 
is  taxed  on  almost  everything  he  eats,  drinks  and  wears,  and  thus  labor 
is  compelled  not  only  to  produce  what  makes  wealth  possible,  but  also 
to  sustain  it  after  having  produced  it.  This  is  a  vast  inequality  in  favor 
of  capital  and  against  labor,  and  still  it  is  the  laborer's  fault ;  and  it  lies 
just  where  we  pointed,  in  the  selection  of  proper  candidates  as  repre- 
sentatives, State  and  national. 

,  There  are  but  a  very  few  newspapers  that  do  not  profess  to  be  the 
advocates  of  the  rights  of  labor.  Let  them  be  called  upon  to  take  hold 
of  this  matter,  and  take  hold  of  it  at  just  that  point  where  the  remedy 
must  be  applied.  Let  them  lay  before  the  people  a  plain  exposition  of 
the  matter,  and  certainly  aim  to  make  the  people  understand  it.  Let  ' 
them  urge  the  people  to  assemble  and  concert  plans  and  devise  means 
to  carry  them  out,  and  to  warn  them  to  no  longer  intrust  the  most  vital 
parts  of  the  "  necessary  course  "  to  the  care  of  hereditary  members  of 
the  caucus,  whom  money  buys  or  'whisky  controls.  It  has  become  pro- 
verbial that  he  who  would  be  elected  to  any  important  position  must  dis- 
pense both  these  "  powers  "  with  a  lavish  "hand  ;  and  he  wh6  can  do  this 
the  most  profusely  is  pretty  sure  to  "be  elected."  You  may  rest  per. 


PAPERS  OX  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL.  137 

fectly  assured  that  if  lie  spend  ten  thousand  dollars  to  secure  his  elec- 
tion by  your  votes,  he  intends  at  least  to  double  his  venture  during  his 
official  term.  You  should  know  by  this  time  that  "  the  purity  of  the 
ballot  box"  is  simply  a  " play  upon  words,"  and  that  elections  are  but 
farces  to  approve  what  is  previously  determined. 

The  people,  then,  must  look  on  every  side  for  treachery  to  their 
interests  and  dishonesty  of  purpose,  not  forgetting  that  a  large  portion 
of  the  press  that  profess  your  interests  so  warmly,  that  you  almost 
know  their  truth,  are  open  to  the  influence  of  at  least  one  of  the  above- 
mentioned  powers,  and  that  to  go  counter  to  the  commands  of  those  who 
"  back  them  "  is  to  go  to  certain  destruction.  Nevertheless,  demand  of 
the  press  a  course  that  cannot  be  denominated  hypocritical,  and  if  it 
does  not  respond,  withdraw  your  patronage,  and  give  it  where  it  mil 
contribute  to  your  interests. 

These  introductory  details  cannot  be  dwelt  upon  too  long  nor  in- 
sisted upon  too  earnestly.  To  begin  a  work  right,  is  to  have  it  half 
accomplished  ;  and  most  powerfully  does  this  apply  in  the  matter  of 
determining  who  shall  be  your  representatives. 


PAPEKS  ON  LABOE  AND  CAPITAL. 


One  of  the  great  questions  of  the  day,  if  not  the  greatest,  is  the  true 
relations  that  should  exist  between  labor  and  capital.  It  is  one  fraught 
with  more  direct  benefit  to  a  greater  number  of  people  than  any  other 
question  has  even  the  external  appearance  of  being.  The  real  merits 
of  the  question  are  of  much  greater  significance  than  is  generally  sup- 
posed, even  by  those  who  raise  it  The  welfare  and  the  individual 
rights  of  three-fourths  of  the  people  are  at  stake.  The  question  assumes 
this  shape :  Labor  has,  by  its  continuous  efforts,  produced  a  certain 
.amount  of  wealth,  from  the  use  of  the  materials  nature  presents,  that  has 


138  PAPERS  ON  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL. 

not  been  required  to  support  and  sustain  the  general  life  of  man.  By  cer- 
tain advantages,  either  of  general  policy  or  of  individual  acuteness,  cer- 
tain individuals  have  accumulated  more  than  their  necessities  demanded 
they  should  expend,  and  this  accumulation  has  become  an  added  power 
to  that  possessed  by  the  individual  previously,  which  power  endeavors, 
to  maintain  itself  partly  at  the  expense  of  that  which  first  produced  it,, 
and  to  transfer  just  so  much  of  the  cost  of  its  production  from  itself. 

That  such  conditions  can  exist  and  really  increase  in  power  and  im- 
portance, so  that  they  can  virtually  control  legislation,  gives  evidence 
that  principles  are  operative  that  do  not  promote  the  interests  of  the 
entire  people.  There  must  be  a  fault  somewhere,  which  fault  it  is  ne- 
cessary to  discover  and  expose,  and  then  remedy.  Now,  where  does 
this  fault  really  have  beginning?  It  is  in  certain  protections  and  guar- 
antees that  law  extends  to  individuals,  which  permit  them  to  have  an 
advantage  over  those  with  whom  they  sustain  the  relations  of  society. 
These  laws  arise  out  of  false  conceptions  of  the  principles  of  common 
equality  and  economy,  which  pertain  to  man  as  a  common  fraternity. 
In  legislation,  which  first  allows  and  then  fosters  such  departures,  then, 
must  the  point  at  which  reform  should  begin  be  sought  Any  attempt 
to  teach  the  general  mind  can  have  no  practical  effect,  unless,  finally, 
the  result  of  the  teachings  express  themselves  through  legislation. 
Legislation  presupposes  legislators,  and  to  have  the  right  kind  of  legis- 
lators involves  the  necessity  of  the  laboring  classes  giving  sufficient  time 
and  attention  to  the  matter  of  nominations  and  elections  to  insure  that 
those  who  will  represent  their  true  interests  shall  be  returned. 

Although  the  remedy  for  all  the  laborer's  ills  must  be  sought 
through  legislation,  there  are,  nevertheless,  many  fallacies  still  received, 
even  by  the  laborer,  that  have  the  direct  tendency  to  degrade  labor 
and  to  elevate  the  position  of  capital  One  of  the  principal  of  these  is  a 
false  monetary  basis,  a  false  representative  standard  of  values,  which  is 
arbitrarily  imposed  upon  the  people,  with  no  positive  and  absolute  value 
within  itself,  except  that  which  such  arbitrary  law  gives  it.  Gold,  as  a 
standard  of  values,  has  been  set  up  and  worshiped  so  long,  that  people 
submit  to  its  decrees  with  about  the  same  appreciation  of  its  real  merits 
that  they  have  of  the  mysteries  of  religion,  as  expounded  by  their  paid 
oracles,  who  have  constituted  themselves  into  authorities  to  declare, 
"Thus  saith  the  Lord."  The  people  have  surrendered  their  reason  in 
these  matters  to  these  self-constituted  authorities,  and  so  have  they  sur- 
rendered common  sense  to  the  god  of  value. 


PAPERS   OX   LABOR   AND    CAPITAL.  139 

Another,  and  almost  as  important  fallacy,  is  that  of  interfering  with 
the  natural  ebb  and  flow  of  the  products  of  the  world  by  imposing  upon 
•certain  of  them  such  tribute  as  makes  it  pretty  nearly  impracticable  for 
them  to  find  their  way  to  the  locality  of  natural  demand,  in  order  that 
a  special  few  who  inhabit  that  locality  may  produce  the  same  at  a 
greatly  increased  cost,  which  the  consumer  must  pay  in  order  to  obtain. 
It  does  not  matter  how  this  plain  statement  may  be  twisted  and  bent 
by  the  alluring  sophistries  and  glittering  generalities  of  the  protectionist; 
a  plain  statement,  viewed  with  clear  light,  needs  no  authoritative  sanc- 
tion to  determine  its  truth.  If  it  be  any  benefit  for  a  thousand  men  to 
pay  one  man  ten  per  cent  more  for  a  desired  article,  because  it  is  of 
liome  production,  than  it  could  be  purchased  for  from  a  foreign  pro- 
ducer, we  should  be  most  happy  to  have  it  demonstrated.  The  argu- 
ment used  is,  that  by  that  one  man  being  protected  in  its  production  he 
is  thereby  enabled  to  give  employment  to  a  certain  number  of  laborers. 
But  to  make  even  this  tenable  upon  their  own  statement,  they  must  at 
the  same  time  prove  that  those  laborers  would  not  have  been  able  to 
apply  themselves  to  any  other  labor  during  the  time  required  to  produce 
the  article  in  question.  This  at  once  leads  to  such  an  intricacy  of  cause 
and  effect  that  those  who  attempt  to  solve  the  mysticism  prefer  to  accept 
the  declaration  that  protection  is  a  good  thing  rather  than  acknowledge 
that  they  are  lost  in  the  fcg  and  obscurity  they  have  been  sent  to  ex- 
plore to  find  the  required  evidence. 

Another  extensive  popular  fallacy  is  that  of  the  continuation  of 
special  protection  to  monopolies  after  their  existence  as  monopolies  is 
assured,  which  renders  them  perpetual  taxes  upon  the  labor  that  must 
make  .use  of  them,  and  perpetual  patents  upon  the  industry  of  the  coun- 
try, by  which  a  few  already  plethoric  capitalists  become  still  more  obese. 
The  great  systems  of  internal  improvements  of  the  country  belong  to 
the  country,  and  the  country  should  so  arrange  their  conduct  that  th|& 
people  could  make  use  of  them  at  the  least  possible  expense  of  support 

It  is  these  and  sundry  like  matters  that  the  laborers  of  the  country 
should  require  their  representatives  to  understand  and  act  upon,  and 
they  should  cast  their  vote  for  no  one  that  will  not,  at  all  times  and 
under  all  circumstances,  advocate  and  vote  for  the  greatest  good  of  the 
greatest  number.  In  this  way,  labor  may  hope  to  arise  from  its  present 
position  of  degradation  to  sit  side  by  side  with  capital  in  all  public  and 
profitable  positions  and  those  of  honor  and  trust 

NEW  YORK,  August  10,  1870. 


140  PAPEKS   ON  LABOR  AND   CAPITAL. 


PAPERS  ON  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL. 


NO.    VI. 


From  various  sources  we  learn  that  there  is  beginning  to  be  a  mani- 
fest interest  in  all  the  different  States  and  Congressional  districts  regarding 
the  next  Elections.  The  representatives  of  labor  seem  to  begin  to  realize 
the  great  importance  of  special  attention  to  all  that  belongs  to  primary  or- 
ganization, and  to  perceive  that  heretofore  they  have  been  obliged  to 
throw  their  strength  away  or  waste  it  in  unprofitable  directions,  from  the 
very  fact  that  they  did  not  give  the  necessary  attention  to  the  first  steps, 
in  the  process  of  determining  who  should  be  set  up  for  them  to  choose 
between.  It  does  not  seem  possible  that  any  should  be  returned  to 
office  who  entertain  opinions  antagonistic  to  the  general  interests  of 
labor.  Three-fourths  of  the  entire  population  of  the  country  are  in  this 
interest,  and  whether  they  be  artisans  in  mechanics  or  nature — whether 
they  be  by  the  anvil  or  the  plow — whether  they  be  printers  or  writers — 
their  interests  are  all  the  same ;  it  only  requires  that  they  should  all 
understand  this  to  consolidate  them  into  a  power  that  would  control 
every  movement  of  government.  Should  this  unity  once  be  found  prac- 
tical, and  should  it  be  recognized  by  capital  as  consummated,  its  repre- 
sentatives would  be  compelled  to  come  to  those,  who  now  look  to  them, 
for  the  granting  of  ameliorating  conditions.  It  is  most  probable  that 
when  such  a  unity  shall  be  attained  both  the  capitalist  and  the  laborer 
will,  for  the  first  time,  discover  that  whatever  really  militates  against  the 
true  interests  of  one,  is  equally  antagonistic  to  the  best  interests  of  the 
other. 

Some  who  have  thought  this  might  be  so,  have  endeavored  to  de- 
vise methods  by  which  harmonious  action  could  be  secured.  Various 
schemes  of  co-operation  have  been  suggested,  many  of  them  tried  and 
found  faulty  and  then  discarded,  until  it  has  come  to  be  pretty  thor- 
oughly understood  that  there  is  no  level  upon  which  they  can  meet  and 
part  in  mutuality  of  interest  It  is  true  that  no  perfect  method  can  be 
suggested  or  instituted  that  will  from  the  first  give  complete  results ;  but 
the  principle  must  be  sought  that  governs  the  relations  between  the  sep- 


THE   PRINCIPLES   OF   GOVERNMENT.  141 

rate  interests  and  applied,  at  first,  with  imperfect  results,  which  must 
afterward  be  improved  as  the  interests  grow  into  a  true  comprehension 
of  each  other's  character. 

The  principle  is  this,  that  labor  and  capital  are  equally  interested 
in  the  productions  that  flow  from  their  joint  operations ;  that  is,  the  cap- 
ital that  gives  employment  to  one  hundred  laborers  is  entitled  to  an 
equal  interest  with  the  laborers  in  what  is  produced.  But  here  is  an  in- 
equality to  begin  with.  The  capital  may  only  represent  one  individual, 
while  the  laborers  are  one  hundred ;  still,  this  is  the  relation,  and  the 
final  result  of  its  operation  will  be  a  complete  equality  in  this  wise  :  The 
one  hundred  laborers  perform  their  regular  duties,  receiving  therefor 
such  regular  wages  as  are  proper  ;  and  also  their  respective  proportions 
of  the  profits  of  their  productions.  In,  say,  five  years,  these  one  hundred 
laborers  will  have  accumulated  a  sufficient  capital  with  which  to  trans- 
act the  business  on  their  own  account ;  and  here  is  where  a  system  of 
equality  is  reached,  which  again  would  be  followed  by  another  degBee 
of  progress  for  the  laborer.  The  capitalist,  finding  himself  left  out  of 
the  count  by  the  operation  of  this  method,  would  come  forward  and 
offer  his  capital  to  labor  organizations  at  a  reasonable  rate  of  interest, 
and  in  this  way  a  common  interest  would  be  the  only  possible  result 
The  entire  profits  of  the  labor  would  then  be  divided  among  the  pro- 
ducers, while  the  capitalist  would  have  to  be  satisfied  with  the  moderate 
interest  he  would  realize,  in  place  of  the  extraordinary  sums  now  some- 
times acquired  from  the  sweat  and  muscle  of  the  laborer.  There  is  one 
point,  however,  in  the  first  instance,  that  modifies  the  inequality  men- 
tioned in  a  very  material  degree.  The  capitalist,  while  enjoying  as 
much  profit  as  all  the  laborers,  is  also  liable  for  all  losses,  in  which  the 
laborer  has  no  interest 

Following  the  results  of  the  co-operation  above  mentioned  would 
be  various  modifications  in  society  and  in  the  locality  of  populations. 
People  engaged  in  the  same  pursuits  would  naturally  gravitate  to  each 
other  and  into  distinct  localities,  while  the  various  interests  they  repre- 
sented would  gravitate  to  those  localities  that  should  offer  the  most  in- 
ducement to  their  respective  trades.  One  of  the  results  of  this  would 
be  that  all  raw  material  would,  in  all  cases — where  all  the  requirements 
were  present — be  manufactured  in  the  locality  of  its  production,  thereby 
saving  vast  amounts  of  transportation  ;  and  this  again  would  be  illustra- 
tive of  another  department  of  general  economy,  in  the  light  of  which 
protection  to  special  manufacturing  interests  would  be  seen  in  its  true 
colors. 


142  PAPERS  ON  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL. 

We  have  thus  briefly  endeavored  to  point  out  the  practical  results 
that  would  flow  from  the  adoption,  generally,  of  the  true  principle  of 
co-operation  for  the  specific  purpose  'of  assisting  the  labor  interest  in  se- 
lecting candidates  for  their  representatives,  both  State  and  national. 
They  should  be  those  who  understand  these  relations,  and  what  would 
naturally  follow  them,  and  who  would  at  all  times,  and  under  all  cir- 
cumstances, advocate  their  adoption,  and,  in  the  first  instance,  such  pol- 
icies as  would  most  materially  assist  in  their  development,  and  lead  to 
their  introduction  and  practice  on  the  part  of  all  who  compose  both  in- 
terests. Labor  is  the  basis  upon  which  all  society  rests,  and  nothing  is 
entitled  to  so  much  consideration  at  the  hands  of  legislation.  Nothing 
heretofore  has  been  so  grossly  neglected,  insulted  and  imposed  upon. 

NEW  YORK,  August  20,  1870 


PAPERS  ON  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL. 


PRIORITY  OF  RIGHT — THEIR  POSITION"  IN  THE  PROCESSES  OF  SOCIETY 
—THE  EARTH  BELONGS  TO  MAN  AT  LARGE — INDIVIDUAL  CLAIMS, 
PURE  ASSUMPTION — PRINCIPLES,  PRACTICE,  REMEDIES  AND  CURE. 

Capital,  primarily,  is  the  product  of  labor,  but  labor,  in  the  abstract, 
could  produce  nothing  of  itself  It  must  have  something  upon  which  to 
apply  itself  It  cannot  create  anything ;  it  can  only  alter,  readjust  or 
jrearrange  the  materials  which  nature  offers,  and  by  bringing  them  into 
new  relations  with  each  other  make  it  possible  for  them  to  subserve 
other  and  better  purposes  than  when,  in  the  constitution  assigned  them 
by  the  operation  of  natural  laws,  they  are  unmodified  by  the  touch  of 
mind.  Therefore,  while  capital  is  the  direct  result  of  labor,  labor  would 
not  be  possible  without  the  free  gifts  of  nature.  Absolute  originality, 


PAPERS  OX  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL.  143 

then,  or  absolute  priority  of  right,  as  between  labor  and  capital,  cannot 
be  claimed  by  or  for  either. 

The  formula  of  the  operation,  beginning  with  nature  and  ending 
in  the  ultimate  use  of  its  productions,  in  contributing  to  the  happiness 
of  the  race,  is  this :  Nature  is  made  up  of  the  elements  of  the  uni- 
verse, which,  compounded  into  forms,  are  offered  to  man  to  be  modified 
into  other  forms  and  to  combine  in  new  relations  which  may  best  con- 
tribute to  the  needs  of  the  human  family.  In  this  view,  and  in  view 
of  the  inharmonious  relations  that  exist  between  capital  and  its  co-equal 
labor,  it  becomes  necessary  to  give  the  whole  matter  a  complete  analysis, 
in  order  to  discover,  if  possible,  where  the  primary  fault  lies,  and  to 
find  the  proper  solution  of  all  differences. 

The  human  race  exists  upon  the  earth.  At  a  past  period  no  hu- 
man being  existed  upon  it  At  a  later  day  the  human  race  arose.  Be- 
fore man,  nothing  claimed  the  ownership  of  any  part  of  the  earth's  sur- 
face. When  man  presented  himself  he  began  to  make  use  of  various 
parts  of  it  for  his  own  ends,  but  to  the  land  thus  appropriated  he  ac- 
quired no  permanent  title  or  right  of  ownership.  It  was  his  to  obtain 
from  it  all  that  his  genius  and  strength  made  possible.  So  much  as  he 
could  thus  extract  he  could  possess,  but  further  than  this  his  title  was 
valueless. 

The  races  of  men  that  now  inhabit  the  earth  are  scattered  over  the 
greater  part  of  its  surface,  drawing  what  it  spontaneously  yields  and 
what  they  can  force  it  to  yield.  From  these  premises  it  would  seem 
unquestionable  that  each  individual  of  the  human  family  had  an  equal 
right  to  its  benefits.  The  only  difference  that  ought  to  exist  should  be 
that  limited  and  bounded  by  the  capacity  of  each  to  produce.  No  per- 
son could  therefore  ever  acquire,  under  the  rule  of  universal  justice,  an 
absolute  ownership  to  any  part  or  portion  of  the  earth's  surface.  If  the 
chain  of  title  to  any  claimed  ownership  is  followed  backward  sufficient- 
ly, it  will  be  found  to  have  originated  in  an  assumption  in  the  first  in- 
stance of  ownership  to  something  that  belonged  to  men  in  common. 

We  can  now  acquire  landed  property  from  the  government,  and 
this  creates  the  most  absolute  ownership  that  can  exist ;  but  here  again 
comes  the  question  whether  governments  can  do  what  is  impossible  to 
individuals  ?  Can  a  system  organized  by  a  people  perform  acts  not  in 
the  power  of  the'people  themselves  to  perform  ?  Can  a  government  by 
the  mere  fact  of  having  been  organized  to  preserve  harmony  among  a 
people  acquire  an  absolute  title  to  the  earth  that  is  contained  within  its 
jurisdiction  ?  If  an  individual  cannot  go  into  an  unclaimed  territory  and 


144  PAPERS  ON  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL. 

take  absolute  possession  of  a  certain  portion  of  it,  then  no  number  of 
persons,  nor  can  any  government  they  may  establish,  do  so.  And  here 
exists  one  cause  of  discord  between  labor  which  produces  and  capital 
which  monopolizes. 

All  monopolies  arise  from  landed  monopolies.  Were  there  no  ine- 
qualities between  men  in  claims  to  certain  areas  of  the  earth's  surface, 
no  other  monopolies  would  find  a  basis  for  existence.  Every  individual 
should  have  a  right  to  the  use  of  a  certain  quantity  of  the  real  estate 
of  the  country,  and  the  right  to  all  improvements  he  might  make  upon 
it  Here  would  be  a  basis  of  equity  which  would  forever  prevent  the 
accumulation  in  the  hands  of  any  few  persons,  of  vast  quantities  of  real 
estate,  which  is  the  real  basis  of  all  securities.  It  is  such  a  basis  because 
everything  is  produced  from  it  All  manufacturers  must  rely  upon  it 
for  their  raw  material,  and,  therefore,  a  practical  equality  in  the  occupa- 
tion and  use  of  the  public  domain  would  insure  a  certain  degree  of 
equality  in  all  things,  that  might  spring  from  it.  It  was  the  perception 
of  this  principle  that  caused  Lycurgus  to  divide  the  lands  of  Lace- 
demon  equally  among  all  the  people ;  and  a  general  recognition  of  it 
should  now  take  place. 

While  these  are  the  principles  that  underlie  the  workings  of  soci- 
ety, and  which  must  be  practiced  before  a  general  equality  can  exist,  it 
is  not  to  be  expected  that  they  can  be  immediately  introduced.  There 
are  too  few  who  understand  the  real  rights  of  man,  and  too  many  who 
do  not  wish  to  understand  them.  While  this  condition  of  ignorance 
and  perverseness  keeps  the  world  inharmonious  and  subjected  to  suffer- 
ing, we  should  avail  ourselves  of  all  the  alleviatory  methods  that  can 
be  suggested  in  our  present  system.  Between  two  evils  choose  the 
least ;  but  in  the  pursuit  of  remedies,  the  root  of  the  disease  should 
never  be  lost  sight  o£  Nor  should  the  spirit  that  is  exhibited  in  many 
so-called  Labor  and  Workingmen's  Journals  be  encouraged.  Strife  and 
animosity  will  never  accomplish  half  so  much  as  calmness,  reason  and 
persuasion.  "  Come,  let  us  reason  together,"  was  never  more  judiciously 
proposed  than  it  could  now  be  by  capitalists  and  workingmen.  The 
latter  must  remember  that  they  cannot  compel  capitalists  to  their  terms, 
and  capitalists  must  not  forget  that  if  there  are  real  causes  of  dissatis- 
faction growing  out  of  injustice,  the  sooner  justice  is  done  the  less  seri- 
ous will  be  the  reckoning  with  the  laborer.  Instead  of  strife  let  us 
have  co-operation ;  instead  of  war  let  us  have  peace ;  instead  of  the 
process  of  fermentation  let  us  have  that  of  mutual  understanding. 

NEW  YORK,  August  27,  1870. 


PAPERS  ON  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL.  145- 


PAPEES  ON  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL. 


THE  CINCINNATI  CONVENTION — NEW  PARTIES  AND  NEW  ISSUES — 
PEOPLE'S  EYES  OPEN — DETERMINATION  TO  TAKE  MATTERS  INTO> 
THEIR  OWN  HANDS — WILL  THEY  MAKE  JUDICIOUS  MOVEMENTS  ? — 
THE  RIGHTS  OF  LABOR — SHALL  THEY  BE  IGNORED  ? — OUR  POSI- 
TION REGARDING  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

The  National  Labor  Convention  lately  held  in  Cincinnati  was 
called  for  the  special  purpose  of  beginning  an  organization  having  in 
view  the  next  Presidential  canvass.  It  had  taken  the  means  of  obtain- 
ing the  views  of  a  number  of  the  most  prominent  public  men,  letters 
enunciating  which  views  were  duly  presented  before  the  convention. 
That  of  Governor  Geary,  of  Pennsylvania,  appears  to  have  occupied 
the  position  of  most  prominency,  and  to  have  been  regarded  with  pecu- 
liar and  unanimous  favor.  The  views  presented  by  him  are  such  as. 
were  sure  to  find  favor  with  the  representatives  of  labor,  and  so  far  he 
stands  A  No.  1  as  the  prospective  candidate  for  the  Presidency  of  the 
National  Labor  party. 

It  has  been  very  evident  for  the  last  year  that  the  old  parties  had 
lost  their  power  of  inspiration  over  the  people.  The  Democratic  party 
sold  itself  out  to  slavery  and  virtually  died  when  slavery  died.  A 
party  may  exist  called  Democratic,  but  it  will  be  upon  new  issues  and 
must  take  new  departures.  The  hard  conservatism  that  attaches  to  it 
from  its  former  practices  does  not  suit  the  spirit  of  the  eighth  decade  of 
the  nineteenth  century.  The  rank  and  file  that  have  so  long  blindly 
followed  wherever  their  leaders  commanded  are  becoming  imbued  with 
this  spirit,  and  they  begin  to  realize  that  they  have  been  mere  automa- 
tons that  have  been  moved  with  no  acquiescent  will  of  their  own. 
Newspapers  have  become  too  commonly  read.  That  the  blind  should 
be  led  necessitates  the  continuous  condition  of  blindness.  So,  too,  with 
the  understanding.  What  have  the  masses  known  of  the  essence  of  the. 
issues  that  have  formed  the  platform  of  the  political  parties  for  the  last 
10 


146  PAPERS  ON  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL. 

fifty  years  ?  When  war  came,  as  the  result  of  a  blind  course  on  the  part  of 
politicians,  the  masses  began  to  open  their  eyes  to  the  fact  that  they  had 
been  unwittingly  betrayed  into  a  most  dangerous  and  fearful  condition, 
wherein  it  became  necessary  to  cut  each  other's  throats.  Since  the  close 
of  the  war  they  have  not  only  kept  their  eyes  open  to  the  full  extent 
the  war  opened  them,  but  they  have  also  opened  their  understanding, 
and  for  the  first  time  fully  realize  that  they  are  indeed  freemen ;  and  to 
become  conscious  that  heretofore  they  have  been  so  only  in  name. 
Awaking  as  they  have  from  the  delusion  so  long  hugged  to  their 
hearts,  it  will  not  be  strange  if  they  do  some  inconsiderate  and  short- 
.  sighted  things. 

It  is  the  duty  of  all  who  have  the  true  interest  of  the  whole  people 
at  heart  to  warn  them  of  all  the  extremes  they  are  likely  to  contend 
for,  and  to  suggest  permanent  practical  methods,  which  shall  spring  from 
principles  that  will  apply  at  all  times  to  all  men — and  women.  The 
.Republican  party  being  composed  of  somewhat  different  elements  is 
disintegrated  from  different  action  of  the  same  causes ;  with  the  destruc- 
tion of  slavery  and  the  reconstruction  of  the  country  its  strength  was 
expended.  All  people  who  were  opposed  to  slavery  had  concentrated 
in  the  Republican  party,  because  of^the  similarity  of  sentiment  upon 
his  single  question ;  this  settled,  they  find  themselves  without  a  com  - 
mon  rallying  idea ;  they  differ  as  widely  upon  the  old  and  common 
topics  among  themselves  as  they  differ  from  those  who  do  not  belong  to 
the  party  and  never  did.  Place  and  power  are  the  sole  things  that  hold 
the  Eepublican  party  together  at  all ;  these  gone  it  will  be  gone. 

It  is  just  at  this  time  that  new  parties  are  demanded,  and  they  are 
sure  to  arise.  The  conditions  are  all  favorable.  It  remains  for  wise 
counsels  to  prevail  in  the  formation  and  departure  of  these,  to  insure 
them  something  more  than  death  with  the  accomplishment  of  one  of 
their  central  ideas,  which  destiny  fell  to  the  lot  of  the  Republican  party. 
Unquestionably  there  will  be  a  Labor  party  in  the  next  canvass.  We 
.are  sorry  it  is  denominated  the  Labor  party,  because  it  should  be  some- 
thing more  than  a  Labor  party,  and  because  this  is  a  direct  challenge  to 
capital,  and  it  will  very  probably  result  in  arraying  these  two  interests  in 
an  antagonism  which  will  be  but  a  repetition  of  the  slavery  antagonism. 
No  party  built  upon  a  specific  idea,  looking  in  a  single  direction,  can 
•ever  attain  to  even  the  promise  of  permanency ;  and  it  is  for  this  reason 
we  say  we  are  sorry  to  see  a  party  sectionalizing  itself  at  the  very  outset 
of  its  attempting  a  general  movement  toward  organization. 


PAPERS  ON  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL. 

It  seems,  also,  a  little  premature  that  an  organization  calling  itself 
a  Labor  organization,  should  at  the  outset  put  itself  upon  the  record 
against  the  freedom  of  labor,  let  it  come  from  whence  it  may,  and  be 
of  whatever  nature  it  may.  This  policy  is  short-sighted,  and  will  prove 
a  stumbling-block  to  the  party,  though  for  the  time  Chinese  emigration 
may  serve  for  a  rallying-cry.  All  assertions  that  the  Chinese  emi- 
grants can  be  reduced  to  a  system  of  slavery  among  us  are  humbug- 
gery  of  the  first  water.  There  is  no  law  to  prevent  a  person  contracting 
with  a  hundred  American  workmen  at  the  best  terms  he  can.  It  is 
quite  certain  there  is  no  law  to  prevent  him  from  employing  Irishmen, 
Germans  or  even  Chinese  upon  the  same  terms.  And  if  it  is  done,  and 
labor  is  thereby  obtained  cheaper  than  the  citizens  of  this  country  desire 
to  furnish  it,  the  laboring  class  must  not  lay  the  charge  to  the  capitalist 
who  accomplishes  it,  but  to  the  imperfections  of  our  social  and  financial 
systems  which  make  such  resorts  possible.  Then,  instead  of  commit- 
ting this  new  national  organization  against  any  form  of  legal  labor,  its- 
managers  should  have  proposed  remedies  for  the  existing  imperfections 
in  our,  systems. 

We  are  no  special  advocate  of  the  introduction  of  Chinese  or  any- 
other  labor  into  this  country ;  neither  are  we  desirous  of  advocating  any 
policy  that  will  conflict  with  the  interests  of  any  laborer,  but  we  are  ad- 
vocates, and  always  expect  to  be,  of  justice  and  equity  to  all  people 
everywhere,  because  the  time  has  come  in  the  ages  when  we  must  begin 
to  remember  that  we  are  all  brothers  under  the  sun,  and  that  he  or  she* 
who  does  not  recognize  and  act  upon  this  universal  truth  will,  sooner  or 
later,  be  obliged  to  learn  it  at  the  cost  of  dear  experience.  We  expect 
to  be  found  advocating  very  many  of  the  principles  laid  down  in  the 
platform  of  the  Labor  party,  and  could  wish  that  we  may  find  nothing 
there  adverse  to  the  principles  which  are  of  general  application.  We 
desire  to  see  the  Labor  interest  advanced  to  the  right  and  position  of" 
equality  with  capital,  and  we  shall  put  forth  our  best  endeavors  to  assist 
in  this  most  just  movement  At  the  same  time  we  shall  not  commit 
ourselves  to  sustain  or  advocate  anything  that  we  conceive  will  be  ulti- 
mately injurious  to  the  true  interests  of  humanity,  or  any  part  of  it, 
therefore  we  shall  at  all  times  point  out  what  we  regard  as  errors  in 
whatsoever  this  new  party  may  endeavor  to  carry  out  At  the  same 
time  we  shall,  perhaps,  be  among  its  firmest  and  truest  advocates. 
The  best  friends  are  those  who  show  us  our  faults  and  sustain  us  in  the- 
right 

NEW  YOKE,  September  3,  1870. 


148  PAPERS   ON   LABOR  AND   CAPITAL. 


PAPEES  ON  LABOE  AND  CAPITAL. 


NO.    IX. 

This  question  forms  one  of  the  corner-stones  of  future  society,  but 
of  all  the  questions  in  which  society  seems  interested  it  is  the  worst  un- 
derstood. Four-fifths  of  the  people  of  the  world  toil  on,  year  after 
year,  and  all  the  time  see  the  other  fifth  revelling  in  the  luxuries  the 
sweat  of  their  brows  has  produced.  "While  the  one-fifth  enjoy  the  luxu- 
ries thus  produced,  as  though  they  had  acquired  them  by  diving  right, 
-which  none  may  call  in  question  nor  dispute,  the  great  power  of  the 
laboring  many  has  never  been  felt  It  has  never  been  concentrated  or 
organized  into  concert  of  action.  Even  now  this  immense  force  is  still 
dispersed.  It  seems  to  have  no  centre  around  which  it  can  gather.  It 
has  no  organization,  and  herein  lies  its  weakness. 

Organization  should  be  effected  for  two  principal  ends :  First,  for 
construction;  second,  for  destruction.  The  old  systems  cumber  the 
ground  whereon  the  new  must  be  reared,  and  they  must  be  pulled  down 
to  give  it  room ;  nevertheless,  the  constructive  part  of  the  operation 
must  first  begin ;  before  the  old  will  yield,  the  new  must  at  least  be 
formulated.  This  is  not  impossible  in  the  department  of  principles. 
This  new  rests  upon  foundations  deeper  down  than  existing  things,  and 
these  can,  therefore,  be  used  previously  to  the  destruction  of  the  foun- 
dations of  the  old.  The  new  also  reaches  higher  than  the  old  ;  hence 
its  frame-work  may  be  reared,  while  yet  the  old  stand  comparatively 
intact  The  work  of  construction  once  begun,  that  of  destruction  must 
necessarily  immediately  follow,  and  when  the  former  shall  have  been 
completed  the  latter  will  have  been  but  finished.  This  is  the  philosophy 
of  Integration  and  of  Disintegration  in  all  departments  of  the  universe. 

Labor  and  Capital  is  a  question  relating  in  the  first  instance  to  the 
material  prosperity  of  a  people ;  but  secondarily  it  reacts  upon  all  other 
interest^  —  intellectual,  moral,  physical  and  religious.  None  of 
these  interests  can  flourish  among  a  people  who  are  burdened  by  mate- 
rial wants ;  neither  are  they  usually  unitedly  prosperous  among  that 
part  of  a  people  who  are  greatly  advanced  in  material  possessions. 


PAPERS  ON  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL.  149 

Either  extreme  in  material  interests  appears  to  be  deleterious  to  tlie 
best  and  most  harmonious  general  advancement  of  all  the  other  inter- 
ests. It  is  the  mean  between  the  extremes — the  calling  up  from  those 
below,  and  the  leveling  down  of  those  above  the  mean — in  which  the 
harmony  of  all  is  found. 

Harmony  of  all  the  interests  of  humanity  can  alone  be  attained 
through  organization.  A  permanent  basis  of  organization  can  only  be 
•discovered  by  scientific  investigation.  The  organization  of  society 
must  be  realized  through  the  science  of  sociology,  which,  of  all  scien- 
ces is  the  least  understood  by  the  general  mind.  Yet  there  are  among 
the  great  minds  of  the  planet  a  large  number  of  those  who  thoroughly 
comprehend  this  science,  and  it  is  to  these  that  the  world  must  look 
for  a  reconstruction  of  its  society  upon  such  principles  as  shall  render 
it  permanent ;  upon  such,  as  it  can  constantly  be  improved  upon,  with- 
out changing  its  methods  of  operation. 

Into  such  a  reconstruction  the  branch  of  sociology  that  relates  to 
production  and  use,  or  labor  and  capital,  will  enter  largely,  and  must 
be  the  portion  of  it  to  be  first  entered  upon,  because  all  things  which 
iire  built  upon  earth  must  have  a  material  foundation  until  there  shall 
be  such  a  harmony  and  unity  of  interests,  and  such  co-operation  among 
mankind  as  would  proceed  from  a  universal  brotherhood,  in  which 
«ach  would  have  his  special  part  to  perform  to  contribute  to  the  com- 
mon result. 

'  The  agitation  that  is  beginning  to  be  felt  all  over  the  world  where 
intelligent  labor  exists,  indicates  that  the  time  is  at  hand  wherein  the 
jfirst  steps  toward  a  constructive  organization  of  society,  upon  scientific 
principles,  is  to  be  begun.  Not  only  is  this  agitation  shown  to  exist  in 
this  country,  but  it  has  lately  been  developed  that  labor  societies  exist 
throughout  Europe,  having  a  common  head  and  centre,  and  that  they 
deem  themselves  strong  enough  to  express  wishes  entirely  antagonistic 
to  the  ruling  powers. 

Now  what  these  organisations  require  to  become — something  more 
than  mere  instruments  for  agitation,  mere  means  by  which  the  injustice 
between  labor  and  capital  is  exposed — is  to  become  constructive  in  their 
action ;  instead  of  expending  all  their  means  and  strength  in  the  work 
of  pulling  down  the  old  systems  of  things,  they  should  begin  the  actual 
construction  of  a  new  system.  For  this  end  they  must  bring  science — 
the  science  of  sociology — to  their  aid,  and  make  its  professors  active 
leaders  and  trusted  assistants  in  the  grand  work  Capital  is  putting 
forth  some  strong  efforts  to  confine  science  in  its  interests,  but  the 


150  PAPERS  ON  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL. 

teachings  of  science  are  of  too  general  and  cosmopolitan  a  character  to- 
permit  its  professors  to  ally  themselves  with  a  pseudo  aristocracy — the 
aristocracy  of  wealth. 

Well  may  the  political  parties  view  with  alarm  the  beginning  of 
organization  among  the  classes  they  have  until  now  relied  upon  to 
carry  themselves  into  power.  If  bereft  of  the  capacity  to  influence  the 
masses  who  heretofore  have  not  thought  for  themselves,  they  know  their 
power  will  depart  How  has  it  been  possible  thus  long  for  leaders  to 
control  the  masses,  except  that  the  masses  have  permitted  others  to  act 
for  them,  and  that  without  rendering  any  account  for  such  action  ?  The 
time  for  such  representation  has  passed.  The  people  have  arrived  at 
that  degree  of  understanding  of  their  .actual  interests,  that  will  not  ad- 
mit of  a  blind  acquiescence  in  all  that  even  a  "People's  Congress 'r 
may  do.  They  will  begin  to  instruct  their  representatives  instead  of 
being  led  by  them. 

'Tis  true  that  by  capital  coming  to  the  rescue  of  the  country  it  is. 
intact  to-day  ;  but  it  asked  its  price  and  has  been  paid.  So  far  the  ob- 
ligation is  removed,  and  justice  to  all  is  demanded.  Legislation  en- 
tirely in  the  interests  of  capital  will  not  be  any  longer  tacitly  acknowl- 
edged as  binding  those  whose  interests  are  sacrificed.  Whatever  obli- 
gations the  country  may  be  under  to  those  who  hold  its  securities,  it  is 
under  still  greater  to  the  producing  interest,  to  which  it  must  look  for 
the  ability  to  retire  them  when  called  upon  so  to  do  by  the  tenor  of  the 
contract  they  contain.  It  thus  appears  that  all  the  interests  and  all  the 
prosperity  of  the  country  are  dependent  upon  the  producing  classes, 
and  therefore  to  them  government  must  listen,  for  they  will  not  be  ig- 
nored much  longer. 

NEW  YORK,  Oct.  10,  1870. 


PAPERS  ON  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL. 


NO.   X. 


Production  lies  at  the  basis  of  all  progress.  Material  production 
precedes  all  other  kinds  of  acquirement  In  the  first  degrees  of  social 
evolution,  labor  was  merely  to  obtain  the  means  of  bodily  sustenance 
and  comfort ;  from  this  the  present  has  widely  departed ;  while  the  fur 
ture  must  still  further  widen  the  distance  between  production  as  an 


PAPERS   OX    LABOR  AND   CAPITAL.  151 

end  and  production  as  the  means  to  some  end  beyond.  Production  in 
early  times  meant  simple  muscular  toil ;  it  still  means  this,  but  also  a 
great  deal  more ;  the  proper  direction  of  power  makes  it  possible  for  a 
given  amount  of  force  to  accomplish  a  greatly  increased  result.  Ir 
the  next  century  make  proportionate  rapid  advancement  in  the  better 
adaptation  of  means  to  ends  than  last  made  over  the  preced- 
ing, the  direct  application  of  muscular  exertion  to  accomplish  a  ma- 
terial purpose  will  bo  almost  unknown.  Steam  and  water  have  relieved 
muscle  of  nearly  all  its  most  laborious  occupations  and  increased  the 
capacity  of  production  a  thousand  fold. 

The  reduction  of  these  powers  to  the  uses  of  man  will  be  supple- 
mented by  that  of  still  more  subtle  and  powerful  agents  to  the  same 
end,  and  this  reduction  will  be  followed  by  a  proportionate  relief  to 
manual  labor.  The  results  of  this  advancement  in  the  discovery  of  the 
means  of  reducing  the  elements  of  nature  to  the  service  of  man,  is 
to  be  revolutionary  to  the  present  grades  and  distinctions  between  the 
laborer  and  the  capitalist — unless  a  proper  understanding  and  applica- 
tion of  the  science  of  society  first  perform  that  inevitable  result — 
which  will  guarantee  to  all  individuals  the  possibility  of  like  attainment 
in  all  things. 

Science  equalizes  everything  that  comes  within  its  sphere.  Let 
the  great  scientist  be  never  so  destitute  of  material  wealth,  he  is  still 
the  great  man  sought  for  and  honored  by  those  who  have  nothing  but 
material  wealth  to  recommend  them.  Any  person  may  incidentally 
become  wealthy  in  material  possessions,  but  none  but  the  devoted 
student  of  nature  can  become  rich  in  mind  ;  and,  none  but  the  devoted 
philanthropist  can  become  rich  in  heart  and  soul.  Even  those  who 
have  immense  earthly  possessions,  show  their  consciousness  of  infe- 
riority by  courting  the  great  in  other  fields  of  acquirement  This, 
alone  should  teach  ail  people  that  true  greatness  is  not  to  be  gained 
through  riches,  and  that  these  should  only  be  considered  advantageous 
as  the  means  by  which  to  acquire  other  greater  riches  and  blessings. 

The  true  uses  of  wealth  are  to  advance  the  peoples  of  earth  from 
the  conditions  in  which  they  are  to  higher  and  better  conditions,  to 
those  where  caste  and  distinctions  shall  not  be  measured  by  it,  but  by 
the  good  that  is  accomplished  by  its  use,  in  which  he  will  be  considered 
the  greatest  man  and  the  most  honored,  who  shall  make  the  best  uses 
of  material  wealth  in  benefiting  humanity  as  a  common  brotherhood. 

It  has  become  too  late  in  the  ages  for  individuals  to  think  of  living 
for  themseve?,  or  even  for  those  immediately  connected  with  them. 


152  PAPERS    ON    LABOR   AND    CAPITAL.- 

Mutuality  of  interest  is  spreading  from  family  interests  to  world-wide 
interests,  and  the  greatest  minds  of  the  present  are  those  which  perceive 
and  act  upon  this  fact  The  leavening  power  of  assimilation  is  rapidly 
at  work  among  the  nations,  races  and  peoples  of  the  earth.  The  elec- 
tric telegraph  makes  it  possible  for  all  the  different  nations  of  the  earth 
to  be  possessed  of  the  same  thought  at  the  same  time.  For  the  last  two 
months  the  minds  of  the  whole  world  have  been  turned  toward  France, 
where  the  real  contest  of  the  future  has  but  just  begun.  It  is  impos- 
sible for  this  concentration  of  mind  upon  one  centre  to  be  productive 
of  anything  but  a  growing  likeness  among  those  who  are  the  subjects 
of  it  All  the  discoveries  in  all  departments  of  life  tend  to  the  sme 
unification  of  thought  and  interest  In  this  unification  is  contained  the 
prophecy  of  what  the  future  shall  be  when  no  individual,  family,  na- 
tion or  race,  shall  feel  that  they  can  live  entirely  for  themselves. 

The  lesson  the  present  movers  in  labor  reforms  have  to  learn  is 
that  of  harmonizing  the  interests  of  labor  and  capital  by  the  demonstra- 
tions of  science.  Springing  from  a  common  source  and  tending  toward 
a  common  end,  humanity  must  learn  to  progress  on  its  course  according 
to  rule,  to  law  and  the  requirements  of  order.  These  sustain  the  har- 
monies of  the  universe,  and  should  be  never-failing  authorities  for 
humanity  to  pattern  after.  Those  who  achieve  the  greatest  conquests 
are  they  who  can  bring  themselves  into  harmony  with  the  principles 
that  govern  the  movements  of  the  innumerable  worlds,  no  two  of 
which  are  ever  known  to  disastrously  cross  each  other's  path. 

The  world  is  capable  of  producing  luxuriousness  for  all  its  chil- 
dren. It  is  their  fault  that  all  do  not  have  it.  A  very  large  propor- 
tion of  the  capacity  of  humanity  for  production  is  diverted  from  natural 
occupations  by  the  illegitimate  relations  existing  in  society.  A  part 
live  off  of  the  vitality  of  the  rest ;  the  principal  object  of  the  part  being 
to  see  how  much  of  the  fruits  of  the  rest  they  can  aggregate,  either  by 
personal  capacity,  trickery  or  cunning,  or  by  ingenious  devices  of  law 
formed  and  administered  in  their  interests.  A  perfect  equality  and  an 
equal  justice  condemns  all  such  distributions  of  the  fruits  of  the  earth. 
If  capacity  for  acquisition  exist  among  a  part  of  the  people,  gov- 
ernment should  interfere  to  stop  its  being  practiced  at  the  expense  of 
others. 

We  are  aware  that  this  kind  of  social  rule  will  be  repudiated  as 
an  infringement  upon  individual  freedom  of  action.  In  this  connection, 
however,  it  must  ever  be  remembered  that  the  individual  can  never  be 
greater  than  the  community  of  which  he  forms  a  part ;  in  other  words, 


PAPERS  OX  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL.  153 

the  interests  of  the  community  must  always  be  superior  to  those  of  the 
individual,  and  when  individual  interests  conflict  with  the  interest  of 
the  community  they  must  yield  to  the  community.  This  principle  is 
recognized  in  very  many  things  in  government ;  for  instance,  the  pub- 
lic demands  a  common  highway  which  must  interfere  with  the  rights 
and  interests  of  individuals ;  the  individuals  are  compelled  to  give 
way  for  the  public,  from  whose  adjudgment  there  is  no  appeal.  To 
this  rule  of  action  all  the  relations  of  society  must  sooner  or  later  be- 
come subject,  and  the  sooner  it  is  reduced  to  this  scientific  determining 
power,  the  quicker  society  will  have  begun  a  progress  whose  course 
need  never  be  deviated  from. 

NEW  YORK,  October  17,  1870. 


PAPERS  ON  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL. 


NO.  XL 


One  of  "  our  Fundamental  Propositions  "  is  the  ultimate  analysis 
of  the  perfected  results  of  harmonious  relations  between  labor  and  its 
reward.  It  is  not  laid  down  in  any  spirit  of  mere  speculation,  but  as  a 
mark  which  the  human  family  is  capable  of  attaining,  and  one  to  which 
it  should  aspire.  Neither  is  it  at  all  impossible  with  some  of  the 
present  representatives  of  the  race ;  but  it  is  a  natural  and  legitimate 
condition  for  society  when  it  shall  have  become  sufficiently  "  grown  "  to 
be  possible  of  organization. 

Organization  is  the  first  step  to  be  made  toward  reaching  such  con- 
ditions as  the  proposition  indicate.  Simple  individual  exertion  can 
never  be  constructive  of  society.  Neither  can  the  exertions  of  a  great 
number  of  individuals  become  constructive  unless  their  action  is  com- 
bined or  organized  in  one  direction  and  for  the  same  purpose.  Agita- 
tion must  always  precede  organization,  and  hence  it  is  that  nearly  all 
primary  movements  are  simply  destructive  or  disintegrating  to  existing 
conditions.  A  perfect  system  of  society  cannot  be  organized  to  contain 
those  who  are  under  any  condition  of  servitude  other  than  is  rendered 


154  PAPERS   OX   LABOR   AND   CAPITAL. 

by  the  collective  number  to  the  law  or  rule  they  shall  formulate,  to  con- 
trol these  relations.  A  perfect  system  of  freedom  is  one  of  the  first  es- 
sentials, and  this  must  be  regulated  by  an  exact  justice,  as  between  a 
community  of  brothers  and  sisters.  No  ignoring  of  any  part  of  the  com- 
munity, whether  male  or  female,  can  exist  The  organization  must  rec- 
ognize each  and  every  member  of  the  community,  and  they  in  turn 
must  also  recognize  the  organization  which  becomes  the  rule  of  govern- 
ment 

No  one  will  attempt  to  deny  but  that  there  is  sufficient  capital  or 
wealth  in  the  world  to  enable  every  one  to  live  in  a  palace ;  neither 
would  any  deny  that  the  conditions  of  humanity  would  be  very  much 
improved  could  such  a  leveling  down  and  such  a  leveling  up,  as  this 
equalization  would  require,  be  attained.  This  cannot  result  from 
any  arbitrary  rule  of  force,  but  must  be  the  result  of  the  operation  of 
the  proper  principles  of  law  in  the  relations  of  society.  It  must  emanate 
from  a  consciousness  within  society  itself  of  the  justice  of  such  princi- 
ples ;  therefore  the  mind  of  society  must  be  imbued  with  these  princi- 
ples, and  to  do  this  is  the  business  of  those  who  understand  the 
science  of  society.  It  has  been  denied  that  there  is  a  science  of 
society.  The  recognition  now  that  there  is  such  a  science,  and  the 
fact  that  the  evolution  of  society  thus  far  has  been  formulated  under  it, 
is  a  vast  step  toward  a  general  recognition  of  it  When  once  it  is  gen- 
erally received  as  one  of  the  demonstrated  sciences,  there  will  be  various 
attempts  in  all  directions  to  organize  upon  its  not  yet  demonstrated  prin- 
ciples. 

Those  who  have  followed  these  articles  will  begin  to  see  that  the 
attainment  of  great  wealth  will  not  constitute  one  of  the  principal  aims 
of  the  society  of  the  future.  It  will  only  be  considered  as  a  means  to 
other  and  higher  ends.  It  has  not  been  until  quite  recently  that  the 
fact  of  continuous  life  has  been  any  more  than  theoretically  received. 
The  practices  of  mankind  have  been  just  such,  and  only  such,  as  would 
obtain,  were  there  no  life  after  physical  death,  and  they  have  lived  as. 
though  the  whole  of  this  life  should  be  devoted  to  purely  material  ends, 
to  the  gratification  of  physical  desires,  and  to  comforts  and  pleasures 
arising  from  material  possessions.  Since  the  conviction  has  been  steal- 
ing into  the  minds  of  humanity  that  life  is  continuous,  that  death  is 
simply  a  change  of  the  conditions  of  life,  and  that  the  best  wealth  that 
can  be  accumulated  in  the  material  life  is  that  kind  that  will  make  the 
best  capital  to  begin  the  next  with,  there  is  a  marked  change  in  the 
community  at  large. 


TAPERS  OX  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL.  155 

It  is  beginning  to  be  realized  that  there  is  a  great  deal  more  to  live 
for  in  this  life  than  mere  bodily  satisfaction  and  accumulation  of  wealth 
— of  money.  Nor  is  complete  luxury  one  of  the  most  preferable  of  cir- 
cumstances. It  is  not  conducive,  under  present  conditions,  to  the  best 
and  most  rapid  development  of  the  true  wealth  of  the  soul,  nor  can  it 
ever  be  until  correct  views  of  the  uses  of  wealth  more  generally  obtain 
than  they  do  at  present 

In  a  true  condition  of  society  there  would  be  no  such  thing  as 
wealth,  in  its  present  signification.  It  would  be  reduced  to  the  require- 
ments of  men  in  obtaining  better  wealth  for  themselves,  and  for  the  dif- 
fusion of  it  among  their  kind.  In  this  consideration  of  the  uses  of  life, 
there  is  no  more  important  feature  of  it  than  that  of  organization  in  all 
departments.  Such  organization  as  will  dispose  of  misery,  poverty, 
ignorance  and  crime.  All  these  can  be  cast  out  of  society ;  and  it  is  to 
be  sincerely  hoped  for,  that  there  will  be  formed  a  political  party  having 
its  basis  in  the  necessity  and  the  possibility  of  such  a  disposal.  Such 
conditions  cannot  exist  in  .the  midst  of  a  community  without  exerting 
their  deleterious  influences  over  the  higher  and  better  conditions.  Peo- 
ple lose  sight  of  this  fact,  and  in  all  legislation  it  is  ignored.  Govern- 
ment now  has  the  power  to  take  these  conditions  in  hand,  and  none  are 
more  interested  in  having  it  do  so  than  the  so-called  labor  party.  Why 
should  not  this  party  organize  upon  some  such  radical  principles  of  re- 
form that  will  reach  the  roots  of  the  ills  they  feel  society  labors  under  ? 

The  policy  of  a  party  that  would  be  permanently  successful  must 
be  one  that  will  include  all  of  the  great  principles  of  reform.  If  such  a 
party  is  not  shortly  organized,  there  will  be  conditions  developed  which 
will  make  such  a  party  a  necessity,  even  without  organization.  It  would 
arise  as  if  by  magic  out  of  the  conditions  of  the  times,  and  leaders  will 
rise  and  come  to  the  front  as  though  Heaven-directed,  and  they  will  be 
received  by  the  people  by  acclamation.  The  force  of  elections  will  be 
dispensed  with,  and  party  trickery  forever  killed. 

The  whole  substrata  of  society  is  in  foment.  The  terrific  strifes 
that  have  been  waged,  and  are  being  waged,  lift  the  weight  from  the 
strata,  and  it  begins  to  rise  into  demanding  such  recognition  as  has  not 
been  accorded  it.  The  "  Moses  "  who  shall  divide  the  "  waters  of  the 
Eed  Sea,"  that  separates  them  from  their  "  Canaan,"  will  be  their  God- 
appointed  leader,  whom  to  oppose  would  be  futile.  Political  parties 
have  been  in  the  hands  of  such  leaders,  and  have  been  used  for  such 
corrupt  purposes,  that  the  people  have  lost  all  confidence  in  them,  and 


156  PAPERS    OX   LABOR  AND    CAPITAL. 

they  demand  A  NEW  ORDER  OF  THINGS,  in  which  common  honesty- 
may  properly  find  a  place. 

Labor  and  capital,  lying,  as  they  do,  at  the  foundation  of  present 
society,  and  as  they  will  enter  largely  into  all  societies  of  the  future,  so- 
long  as  material  wants  are  conducive  to  the  true  interests  of  humanity, 
should  receive  such  consideration  at  the  hands  of  the  present  as  will 
so  arrange  their  interests  that  there  may  be  no  violent  disruption  be- 
tween them,  when  present  governmental  forms  shall  change.  The 
sphere  of  government  must  be  enlarged  and  made  to  include  very  many 
questions  which  are  now  utterly  ignored,  before  society  can  ever  be  con- 
sidered as  resting  upon  a  surely  permanent  foundation.  To  arrive  at 
this  foundation  is  the  first  and  most  important  step  for  humanity  to 
take.  All  minor  ones  are  insignificant  beside  it,  because  the  corner 
stones  of  this  foundation  must  consist  of  a  perfect  individual  justice, 
which  will  not  be  inconsistent  nor  at  war  with  perfect  collective  justice. 
This  condition  the  present  inequalities  between  labor  and  capital  forbid, 
and  hence  the  importance  of  their  harmonization. 

NEW  YORK,  October  25,  1870. 


PAPEES  ON  LABOK  AND  CAPITAL. 


NO.    XIL 

Perhaps  there  is  a  no  more  suggestive  or  instructive  fact  in  all  the 
realm  of  society  than  that  the  laboring  classes  are  the  liberal  classes. 
It  is  among  them  that  nearly  all  social  reforms  begin,  and  among  them 
that  all  governmental  reforms  first  find  moving  power.  The  wealthy 
classes  are  systematically  conservative ;  and  by  instinct  they  are  op- 
posed to  all  movements  which  tend  to  equalization.  They  are  to  social 
reform  just  what  bigots  are  to  religious  liberalization.  They  adopt  a 
creed  which  their  practice  is  never  to  depart  from,  and  it  is  only  by  the 
force  of  the  large  majority  of  the  people  combined  against  them  that 


PAPERS   ON   LABOR   AND    CAPITAL.  157  ' 

they  ever  do  depart  from  them.  The  time  was  when  it  was  the 
grossest  infidelity  to  question  any  of  the  extravagant  assertions  con- 
tained in  the  Bible  ;  but  nearly  all  Christian  sects  now  assume  the  right 
to  place  their  own  construction  upon  what  is  found  therein.  This  con- 
struction is  found  to  grow  more  human  and  liberal  every  year.  Twenty 
years  ago,  the  more  "hell-fire  and  brimstone"  a  minister  gave  forth, 
the  more  Gospel  it  was  considered  that  he  taught.  The  same  rule  ob- 
tains in  regard  to  all  social  questions,  and  the  same  rule  of  extending 
liberalization  will  continue,  until  the  balancing  point  of  equalization  is 
reached,  in  which  there  shall  be  no  power  to  determine  for  the  indi- 
vidual, except  himself  or  herself,  what  is  for  his  or  her  individual  good, 
or  what  to  him  or  her  is  right 

Wealth,  in  its  present  position,  is  aristocratic ;  and  Labor,  in  its 
present  position,  is  democratic.  Aristocracy  always  assumes  to  control 
that  which  is  under  it,  in  a  material  sense.  It  has  always  assumed  this 
control,  and  whenever  possible  has  exercised  it  This  assumption  has 
been  exercised  so  long  that  those  over  whom  it  has  been  swayed  have 
come  to  regard  it  as  something  approaching  a  "divine  right"  This 
condition  of  servitude  was  possible  so  long  as  ignorance  possessed  the 
masses  over  whom  it  sought  control.  When  education  began  its  silent 
yet  potent  work,  the  power  of  assumed  "  divine  right "  began  to  weak- 
en. General  education  is  all  that  the  world  requires  to  emancipate  it 
from  the  rule  of  all  kinds  of  aristocracy.  Common  schools  for  children, 
and  the  public  press  for  adults,  have  done  and  are  doing  the  work  of 
emancipation. 

It  was  not  until  quite  recently  that  the  representatives  of  labor 
began  to  know  the  benefits  to  be  derived  from  organization.  They  do 
not  yet  know  the  full  benefits  which  it  is  possible  for  them  to  obtain 
from  it ;  much  that  they  do  obtain  from  it  is,  on  the  whole,  deleterious 
rather  than  beneficial.  They  require  more  general  knowledge.  They 
need  the  aid  of  science  to  point  out  the  paths  in  which  they  should 
seek  to  walk.  Science,  to  the  organizations  of  labor,  is  what  discipline 
is  to  the  army.  Without  it,  the  first  is  powerless,  and  the  last  danger- 
ous to  those  who  command  and  support  it 

It  is  very  much  to  be  regretted  that  so  much  of  bitter  denuncia- 
tion of  the  wealthy  is  heard  among  laborers.  It  shows  that  they,  if 
possessed  of  the  power,  would  wield  it  more  despotically  than  it  is  now 
wielded  by  those  possessing  it  Force,  as  a  regulator,  can  at  best  be 
but  a  mere  temporary  makeshift,  which,  unless  quickly  followed  by 
j ustice  in  organization,  degenerates  into  absolutism.  This  is  the  dan- 


158  PAPERS   OJST   LABOR   AXD    CAPITAL. 

ger  which  it  is  to  be  feared  would  follow  the  elevation  of  labor  into 
the  position  now  occupied  by  wealth.  Hence  it  is  that  it  takes  long 
years  of  disappointment  to  chasten  the  hearts  of  those  who  seek  change, 
before  the  order  of  civilization  will  allow  it  to  come  in  its  fullest  ex- 
tent 

Could  changes  in  society  be  arranged  and  managed  as  changes  in 
other  departments  are,  no  danger  would  ever  supervene.  New  railroad 
bridges  are  constructed  before  the  old  ones  are  removed,  and 
throughout  the  process  of  change  the  trains  continue  their  regular 
movements.  So  it  will  be  with  society,  when  science  shall  have  so 
enlightened  the  people  that  they  shall  know  just  what  they  are  prepar- 
ing to  pass  to. 

The  Labor  Party  now  desires  to  be  elevated  into  political  place 
and  power ;  but  have  its  advocates  any  well-defined  ideas  regarding  the 
results  which  are  to  follow  such  a  change  in  the  administration  of  gov- 
ernment? It  is  much  to  be  feared  that  the  same  old  story  of  "Make 
hay  while  the  sun  shines,"  would  be  the  ruling  element.  We  would 
not  have  it  understood  from  these  suggestions  that  we  are  opposed  to 
such  a  change  as  the  success  of  the  Labor  Party  would  imply.  Any 
change  cannot  be  for  the  worse.  Principle  could  not,  in  any  event,  be 
less  the  ruling  power  than  now ;  nor  could  money  buy  more  politicians 
than  it  does  now.  One  has  to  spend  but  a  "  season  "  in  "Washington  to 
convince  himself  that  there  is  a  deal  more  truth  than  there  is  vulgarity 
in  the  saying,  that  "  money  makes  the  mare  go."  Representatives  and 
Senators  who  prate  with  loudest  mouths  of  patriotism  and  devotion, 
spend  all  their  own  money  and  all  they  can  borrow  to  get  to  Congress, 
and  retire  to  private  life,  having  made  a  fortune  upon  "  five  thousand 
a  year."  The  inference  is  too  palpably  plain.  It  is  not  necessary  for 
us  to  say  that  all  such  fortunes  are  the  results  of  bribery  and  corrup- 
tion, and  their  possessors  public  thieves,  and  utterly  unworthy  of  the 
confidence  of  honest  devotees  to  a  popular  form  of  government. 

It  is  this  species  of  corruption  that  is  becoming  a  stench  in  the 
nostrils  of  all  those  whose  patriotism  is  more  than  pocket  deep.  In  its 
growth  they  see  the  process  of  national  disintegration  begun,  which  they 
well  know  cannot  continue  indefinitely  without  bringing  destruction  to 
our  country.  The  almost  criminal  indifference  with  which  the  masses 
of  the  people  regard  these  examples  of  the  power  of  money  over  the 
consciences  of  those  to  whom  they  have  intrusted  their  most  sacred  po- 
litical rights,  speaks  badly  for  the  safety  of  republican  institutions,  as 
now  operated.  A  saving  power  is  needed.  Where  shall  it  be  sought? 


PAPERS   ON   LABOR   AND    CAPITAL,  159 

All  true  reformers  are  looking  to  the  Labor  party  for  it.  Let  it  unite 
to  itself  the  principle  of  equal  rights,  regardless  of  sex,  and  it  will  suc- 
ceed. Then,  if  it  fill  its  mission  well,  it  will  prove  itself  to  be  what 
the  present  demands,  to  crush  corruption  which  is  so  rapidly  permeat- 
ing our  whole  body  politic. 

YORK,  November  1,  1870. 


PAPEES  ON  LABOE  AND  CAPITAL. 


NO.    XIII. 

The  principles  which  should  regulate  these  two  great  interests  are, 
even  in  this  age  of  scientific  attainment  and  philosophic  speculation, 
very  imperfectly  considered  and  still  more  imperfectly  understood. 
There  can  be  no  perfect  practice  of  the  true  principles  which  should 
govern  their  relations  until  the  practices  of  the  peoples  are  based  on 
the  recognition  of  the  fact  of  the  common  brotherhood  of  humanity. 
There  are  a  few  people  now  living  who  fully  appreciate  the  relationship 
which  exists  between  the  peoples  of  the  world,  and  who  would  regu- 
late their  conduct  toward  their  brothers  by  the  "  Golden  Eule.:'  All 
the  governments  of  the  world  are  in  direct  opposition  to  this  rule ; 
hence  it  becomes  an  utter  impossibility  for  isolated  individuals  to  prac- 
tice upon  it  to  any  great  extent. 

It  is  an  acknowledged  fact  that  the  world  is  gradually  being 
evolved  by  the  means  of  government ;  and  that  government  was  at 
first  organized  to  control  individuals  who  would  otherwise  have  operated 
from  their  own  standpoint  for  selfish  purposes.  This  kind  of  control 
will  continue  to  be  exercised  until  government  will  be  able  to  control 
all  individuals  to  act  for  the  general  public  good,  and  this  again  will 
eventuate  in  all  people  acting  for  the  public  good  of  their  own  accord, 
when  government  in  its  present  sense  and  for  its  present  purposes  will 
be  done  away  with. 

The  relations  of  labor  and  capital  are  most  intimately  connected 
with  the  frame-work  of  all  governments,  because  they  could  not  exist 


160  PAPERS  ON  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL. 

without  their  active  support  The  difficulty  with  all  present  systems 
of  government  is  that  they  are  built  upon  the  supposition  that  capital 
is  the  primarily  controlling  power ;  while  the  fact  is  that  behind  capi- 
tal labor  stands  first  and  strongest.  As  intelligence  becomes  more  and 
more  generally  diffused  the  domination  of  capital  over  labor  becomes 
weaker  and  weaker,  and  the  dignity  of  labor  more  and  more  apparent 
and,  as  a  necessary  result  of  the  growth  of  this  sentiment,  labor  is  ac- 
corded more  and  wider  privileges. 

It  is  a  singular  fact,  and  one  to  be  regarded  with  a  feeling  border- 
ing on  astonishment,  that  it  is  possible  for  all  legislation  to  be  either 
conducted  in  the  interests  of  capital  or  controlled  by  it,  when  the 
capitalists  of  the  country  are  to  the  laborers  as  one  is  to  ten.  The 
same  principle  makes  it  possible  for  one  man  to  control  a  dozen  horses 
possessed  of  a  hundred  times  his  own  strength.  It  is  the  power  of 
knowledge  over  ignorance.  The  horses  on  the  one  hand  are  ignorant 
of  their  real  power  and  yield  it  obediently  to  the  command  of  assumed 
authority.  So,  too,  is  it  with  the  mass  of  laborers ;  they  do  not  know 
their  real  power  and  they  yield  obedience  to  the  power  of  assumption 
aided  by  a  superior  intellect 

It  is  for  this  reason  that  the  general  diffusion  of  knowledge  among 
the  common  people  should  receive  so  much  more  attention  than  it  has 
or  does.  Every  child,  whether  born  of  wealth  or  poverty,  should  in- 
herit the  right  from  government  of  a  complete  education  in  all  the  im- 
portant branches  of  education.  Not  only  should  they  inherit  this 
right  but  the  government  should  see  to  it  that  the  right  is  obtained, 
compulsorily  if  need  be.  The  acquisition  of  knowledge  has  ever  tended 
to  the  liberalization  of  existing  orders  of  things,  and  it  was  not  until 
something  akin  to  its  general  diffusion  was  obtained  that  any  adequate 
ideas  of  the  advantages  of  freedom  became  fixed  in  the  minds  of  the 
people.  It  was  a  grand — almost  a  fatally  grand — mistake  which  the 
people  made  when  they  considered  that  they  had  obtained  complete 
freedom  when  they  emancipated  themselves  from  the  so-called  "  tyran- 
ny "  of  England. 

First,  then,  and  that  which  is  the  basis  of  all  other  tyranny,  is  the 
fact  that  man,  individually  considered,  is,  in  the  strictest  sense  of  the 
term,  a  slave  to  the  conditions  of  his  existence.  Whatever  else  he  may 
be  free  to  perform  he  can  never  be  emancipated  from  the  necessity  of 
yielding  obedience  to  the  demands  of  this  existence.  In  his  ignorant, 
undeveloped  condition,  intellectually,  he  has  been  led  to  yield  him- 
self in  obedience  to  others  whom  it  seemed  to  him  were  able  by  their 


PAPERS    ON   LABOR   AND    CAPITAL.  161 

superiority,  mentally,  to  better  administer  to  these  prime  necessities 
than  he  could  do  it  for  himself.  This  was  the  argument  for  the  con- 
tinuation  of  slavery  in  the  South.  They  said  the  negroes  were  better 
off  than  they  would  be  if  cast  upon  their  own  resources  for  the  supply 
of  the  necessities  of  life.  Many  persons  felt  the  strength  of  this  argu- 
ment and  yielded  to  its  pleading.  It  is  the  same  principle — that  of  in- 
ferior intelligence  yielding  to  superior  intelligence — which  makes  the 
possibility  of  all  forms  of  slavery.  It  is  this  principle  which  has  made 
it  thus  long  possible  for  government  to  be  conducted  entirely  in  the  in- 
terests of  capital. 

But  it  is  just  at  this  point,  where  the  beginning  of  comprehension 
on  the  part  of  the  representatives  of  labor  is,  that  the  fallaciousness  of 
this  arbitrary  form  of  control  begins  to  be  felt  by  the  masses  who 
have  hitherto  yielded  to  it  They  begin  to  see  that  they  obtained 
freedom  from  one  ''tyranny"  only  to  yield  themselves  to  another, 
less  odious  than  it  was  from  the  fact  that  one  was  represented  by  one 
person,  while  the  other  is  represented  by  numerous  persons.  In  some 
regards  the  last  condition  is  worse  than  the  first;  for  in  it  there  is 
nothing  to  guard  the  constant  encroachments  of  the  tyrant  upon  their 
"  reserved  "  rights.  They  are  constantly  subjected  to  legislation  which 
filches  from  them  the  last  possible  farthing,  that  it  may  go  to  swell  the 
coffers  of  some  wealthy  individual  or  some  obese  corporation. 

At  present  the  indications  are  anything  but  favorable  for  the  in- 
terests of  the  producing  classes.  It  seems  as  though  the  representa- 
tives of  corporate  interests,  in  which  large  amounts  of  money  are 
invested,  are  organizing  to  make  a  crusade  against  the  present  possessed 
rights  of  the  producing  classes,  to  the  end  that,  by  all  corporate  organ- 
izations combining  and  making  their  interests  mutual,  they  may  come 
into  the  position  that  shall  give  them  supreme  and  lasting  control  over 
the  destinies  of  the  country.  They  behold  with  jealousy  the  attempts 
at  organization  among  laborers,  knowing  that,  if  it  is  carried  to  its  full 
results,  it  will  compel  equality  of  interest  and  obtain  the  means  neces- 
sary to  enforce  it 

It  is  the  age  of  rapid  change.  What  it  would  once  have  required 
an  age  to'  accomplish,  is  now  performed  in  a  single  night.  It  would 
not  be  very  strange  should  the  interests  of  labor  control  the  next  Presi- 
dential election.  One  thing  is  patent  to  all,  some  great  issue  must  come 
up  which  will  be  of  sufficient  magnitude  and  general  importance  to 
arouse  the  people  from  the  slough  of  indifference  into  which  they  have 
fallen  since  the  settlement  of  the  slavery  issue.  It  is  also  equally  patent 
11 


162  PAPERS  ON  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL. 

that  this  issue  must  be  some  new  combat  between  some  form  of  slavery 
and  a  growing  freedom ;  perhaps  a  consolidation  of  the  several  ques- 
tions of  progress  into  one  interest  to  crush  out,  at  once  and  forever, 
the  reign  of  conservatism  of  all  kinds,  and  the  substitution  therefor  of 
an  enlightened  freedom,  to  be  governed,  guided  and  supported  by  the 
lights  of  science  which  shall  point  the  way  to  all  things  which  ought 
to  be  obtained. 

What  the  world  needs  to-day  is,  that  science,  supported  by  wealth, 
shall  come  into  power.  Could  this  be  arrived  at,  the  dangers  and  dif- 
ficulties now  hovering  around  the  issues  between  the  still  captive  and 
the  interests  of  enslaved  labor,  would  be  dispelled,  and  society,  with- 
out further  convulsive  efforts,  could  assume  its  uninterrupted  march 
toward  perfect  conditions  of  existence.  It  is  to  be  feared  that  wealth 
will  not  yield  to  science,  and  that  it  will  endeavor  to  bring  it  under  its 
sway  to  further  enslave  the  "  toiling  millions  "  and  make  them  minister 
longer  to  its  despotism.  Let  this  be  as  it  may,  the  existence  of  gov- 
ernment upon  its  present  basis  of  liberty  and  equality  depends  upon  its 
checking  a  power  .that  is  being  organized  to  control  it.  The  New  York 
Herald,  not  many  days  ago,  pointed  out  this  danger,  but  did  not  warn 
the  people  that  it  was  a  danger,  leaving  each  to  gather  his  or  her  own 
deduction  from  the  mere  presentation  of  the  facts.  Subsequently,'  how- 
ever, it  said,  editorially,  as  follows : 

"  Now  it  is  possible  the  American  people  may  not  be  alarmed  at 
at  the  probable  effects  a  combination  of  the  capital  and  influence  of 
these  vast  railroad  corporations  may  have  upon  the  future  of  the 
country — upon  the  permanency  of  its  institutions  and  the  perpetuity 
of  its  political  liberties ;  but,  in  view  of  possible  contingencies,  we 
think  we  are  justified  in  cautioning  the  people  against  the  possible  crea- 
tion of  a  railroad  oligarchy  here  that  may  prove  as  dangerous  to  tjae 
nation  in  times  to  come  as  was  the  Southern  cotton  oligarchy  in  times 
past. 

"  This  subject  is  one  of  considerable  interest  to  the  American  peo- 
ple, and  the  elections  of  members  to  the  next  Congress  should  be 
graduated  accordingly." 

It  is  the  duty,  then,  of  the  New  Labor  Party  to  become  the  best 
representative  of  general  reform  and  a  wider  freedom  for  all  individ- 
uals, male  and  female,  which  freedom  should  have  no  limit  except  that 
which  borders  upon  interference  with  the  freedom  and  rights  of  others, 
or  that  would  be  detrimental  to  the  common  interests  of  the  public  if 
practiced.  In  the  widest  freedom  there  is  the  most  virtue,  because, 
under  restraint,  compulsion  often  passes  for  virtue,  while  its  semblance 


PAPERS  ON  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL. 

only  is  there.  Freedom  stamps  all  that  is  genuine,  and  exposes  and 
denounces  all  that  is  counterfeit  and  affected.  Enforced  virtue  in  any 
direction,  except  for  the  protection  of  the  community,  is  not  one  of  the 
principles  of  a  free  government ;  but  everything  that  the  government 
can  do  that  will  further  the  interests  of  the  community,  come  legiti- 
mately within  its  sphere.  And  it  is  to  this  end  and  purpose  that  the 
Labor  party  should  press  its  claims  to  recognition  upon  the  representa- 
tives of  labor. 

The  workingman  makes  the  government,  and  therefore  has  it  in 
his  hands  to  unmake  it  If  the  government  is  not  what  it  should  be,, 
it  is  because  the  workingmen  have  permitted  it  to  exist  and  not  per- 
form its  duty.  It  seems,  then,  that  the  main  point  at  issue  is,  to  acquaint 
the  representatives  of  labor  everywhere  with  their  power;  to  make 
them  recognize  the  fact  that  they,  being  the  majority,  have  it  in  their 
power  to  elect  the  men  who  will  legislate  in  their  interests,  and,  by  so 
doing,  do  away  with  this  insane  denunciation  of  wealth  by  the  mouths 
of  those  would-be  leaders,  who,  to  become  leaders,  would  stir  up  any 
kind  of  strife,  required  to  gain  their  wishes.  Of  all  such,  the  Labor 
Party  should  beware. 

NEW  YORK,  Nov.  10, 1870. 


PAPERS  ON  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL. 


NO.    XIV 


"We  have  repeatedly  appealed  to  the  productive  classes  to  arouse 
from  the  slough  of  trustfulness  and  indifference  in  which  they  have 
remained  so  long,  and  to  bestir  themselves  about  their  business  of  gov- 
erning themselves.  Thus  far  they  have  utterly  failed  in  all  duties  of 
self-government  They  have  nominally  lived  in  a  country  which  prof- 
fers equality  to  all,  but  under  which  proffering  they  have  virtually  sur- 
rendered themselves  to  be  governed  by  the  considered  mighty  few,, 


164  FAPEKS   ON    LABOR   AND    CAPITAL. 

who,  for  their  own  purposes,  exalt  themselves  into  the  position  of  THE 
PEOPLE'S  candidates  until  office  is  obtained,  when  they  begin  at  once 
to  invent  schemes  for  continuing  themselves  in  power ;  or,  if  they  know 
it  is  impossible  to  be  again  returned,  they  devote  themselves  to  making 
the  most  of  what  time  they  have. 

The  present  doings  of  the  people's  representatives,  both  State  and 
national,  are  practically  limited  to  getting  the  most  they  can  for  them- 
selves and  their  friends,  while  the  study  of  the  interests  of  their  con- 
stituents and  the  country  is  either  entirely  ignored  or  shirked  to  the 
greatest  possible  extent.  Each  year  this  condition  becomes  more  and 
more  the  controlling  element  of  Congress  and  Legislature,  and  unless 
soon  remedied,  it  will  lead  the  country  on  blindly  to  its  destruction. 
This  course  being  directly  in  the  interest  of  special  and  favored  in- 
terests, has  the  favor  and  .support  of  capital,  while  labor  looks  on  with 
the  utmost  indifference,  and  sees  its  productions  filched  year  after  year. 

Capital,  of  the  two,  is  the  more  foolishly  blind  to  its  future ;  for  it 
does  not  seem  to  comprehend  that  with  the  continuation  of  this  course 
must  come  the  day  of  reckoning,  in  which  the  debit  side  of  all  accounts 
will  be  heavily  against  it — so  heavily  that  it  will  never  be  able  to  satisfy 
the  demand  which  humanity  will  have  for  it  to  settle. 

This  consummation  may  be  averted,  but  only  in  one  way.  The 
laboring  classes  must  exercise  their  right  of  self-government  them- 
selves, after  the  dictates  of  reason  and  common  sense,  and  no  longer 
blindly  intrust  their  interests  and  the  common  interests  of  the  country 
to  the  self-selected  few  who  prate  with  so  much  volubility,  .and  who 
mouth  the  "  King's  English  "  so  furiously  about  their  undying  patriot- 
ism and  self-denying  devotion.  It  may  be  set  down  at  once  and  for  all 
time  that  the  patriotism  and  devotion  professed  by  this  class  of  orators 
and  statesmen  will  be  certain  to  continue  until  after  their  election  is  sure, 
after  which  it  will  do  to  watch  them  carefully  lest  they  may  have  en- 
tirely expended  it  in  their  efforts  for  election. 

While  we  have  urged  the  laboring  classes  to  arouse,  we  have  at 
the  same  time  shown  the  necessity  of  complete  and  thorough  organiza- 
tion, and  we  now  further  urge  the  absolute  withdrawal  of  affiliation 
with  any  party,  and  the  devotion  of  their  entire  strength  to  the  con- 
struction of  their  own  party,  upon  the  principles  of  freedom,  equality 
and  justice  for  all,  let  them  lead  where  they  may.  All  that  is  required 
by  them  is  granted  in  the  present  Constitution,  though,  perhaps,  in  some 
points,  were  so,  blindly,  for  the  time,  but  which  are  now  made  plain  and 
clear  by  late  events  in  some  of  our  States. 


PAPERS   ON   LABOR   AND   CAPITAL.  165 

It  is  time  that  active  movements  should  begin  to  be  made  toward 
organization  for  the  next  Presidential  election.  Both  political  parties 
are  manoeuvring  in  every  possible  direction  to  gain  advantages.  If  the 
Labor  Party  will  act  wisely  it  can  take  up  one  of  these  parties  and  in- 
corporate its  remnants  before  the  election  comes  off.  But  if  the  class 
who  should  form  this  party  will  remain  stupidly  blind,  and  continue  to 
maintain  these  virtually  defunct  parties  by  their  strength,  instead  of 
constructing  a  new  party  of  their  own,  nothing  which  will  positively 
shape  the  future  course  of  events  can  be  accomplished.  The  old  will 
simply  be  bolstered  up  for  another  term,  and  four  years  more  of  submis- 
sion to  the  behests  and  dictates  of  capital  must  be  endured. 

There  will  be  a  desperate  attempt  made  during  the  coming  session 
of  Congress  by  capital  to  obtain  further,  and  greater  and  stronger  hold 
upon  the  vitals  of  the  country.  Efforts  to  effect  the  perpetuation  of  the 
franchises  it  already  has,  it  counts  upon  making,  with  certainty  of  success ; 
but  the  very  extent  of  its  efforts  which  it  will  make  under  the  knowledge 
that  what  is  to  be  obtained  must  be  so  at  once,  will  press  it  to  such 
extremes  that  it  will  most  probably  defeat  its  own  purpose.  This  event 
will  be  rendered  certain  if  the  Labor  Parly  will  take  a  positive  stand 
upon  its  own  ground,  which  will  make  effective  the  springing  of  some 
"mines  "  that  are  prepared,  which  will  put  their  representatives  in  such 
a  light  before  the  country  as  will  most  effectually  dispose  of  all  selfish 
schemes  which  are  now  afloat  Let  it  be  seen  that  no  shirking  of  duty 
is  permitted  on  the  part  of  pretended  labor  representatives,  and  also  let 
it  be  seen  that  all  who  lend  themselves  to  the  schemes  of  capital  are 
properly  shown  up  to  the  country. 

Our  interests  are  great  and  our  country  is  dear  to  us,  for  it  has  cost 
us  immense  treasure  and  blood.  Is  it  not  worthy  of  being  defended 
from  all  schemes,  when  so  much  has  been  required  to  construct  and 
preserve  it  ?  To  the  care  of  laboring  classes  its  preservation  is  now 
committed.  Will  they  prove  themselves  worthy  of  the  high  trust  ?  Or 
will  they  sell  their  birthright  for  less  than  a  "mess  of  pottage?"  Is  it 
necessary  that  some  great  calamity  come  before  an  awakening  to  the 
reality  of  the  condition  will  occur  ?  Let  it  rather  be,  that  wisdom  be 
gleaned  from  the  sore  trials  and  the  desperate  situation  of  our  brethren 
in  France,  which  shall  teach  the  use  to  be  made  of  possessed  rights  and 
privileges. 

NEW  YORK,  November  18,  1870. 


166  PAPERS  OX  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL. 


PAPERS  ON  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL, 


NO.  XV. 

The  New  York  Sunday  Despatch,  of  the  20th  inst,  contains  a 
lengthy,  interesting  and  highly  instructive  article,  based  upon  recent 
interviews  with  Thomas  Hughes  and  J.  P.  Mundella,  members  of  the 
British  House  of  Commons,  who  are  also  workingmen  and  employers. 
They  are  strongly  of  the  opinion  that  "  strikes  "  were  never  productive 
of  anything  but  damage  to  both  parties,  and  that  arbitration  is  the  only 
reasonable  resort  for  the  settlement  of  all  mooted  questions  between 
laborers  and  their  employers. 

As  examples  of  the  misery  engendered  by  "  strikes,"  several  in- 
stances are  quoted,  among  which  is  found  that  of  the  potters  and  mould- 
ers in  the  vicinity  of  London,  which  proceeded  to  the  very  last  extremity 
on  the  part  of  the  strikers.  Arbitration  at  last  was  resorted  to,  and  re- 
sulted in  no  gain  of  conditions  to  the  strikers. 

These  facts  go  to  show  that  the  immediate  purposes  of  labor  organ- 
izations are  detrimental  to  their  true  interests.  They  must  acknowledge 
that  they  cannot  compel  capital  to  their  terms,  and  that  in  moderate 
counsels  and  wise  action  they  will  be  much  more  likely  to  find  their  in- 
terests advancing. 

The  ultimate  purposes  of  the  Labor  party  which  are  to  obtain  con- 
trol of  legislation,  may  be  productive  of  much  good,  or  may  be  made 
the  most  fruitful  cause  of  national  disaster.  We  have  all  the  time  en- 
deavored to  show  that  the  real  interests  of  both  capital  and  labor  lie 
in  the  direction  of  complete  unity ;  and  that  although  labor  is  now 
suffering  at  the  instance  of  capital,  that  it  should  not  be  laid  to  the 
charge  of  capital  that  it  is  in  position  to  thus  infringe  upon  the  rights 
of  labor,  but  to  the  charge,  secondarily,  of  legislation,  which  is  performed 
by  the  very  men  whom  the  laboring  classes  do  their  utmost  to  elect  to 
office  •,  and,  primarily,  to  the  imperfections  in  our  present  financial  and 
social  systems,  which  must  be  remedied  before  any  very  great  benefit 
can  accrue  to  the  oppressed  conditions  of  society. 

To  accomplish  what  is  required  in  order  that  labor  may  rise  to  an 
equality  with  capital,  the  laboring  classes  must  become  enlightened 


PAPERS   OX    LABOR   AND    CAIMTAL.  167 

upon  the  principles  of  political  and  social  economy.  Eevolution,  which 
is  threatened  from  some  quarters,  would  only  lead  away  from  justice 
and  in  the  direction  of  anarchy.  We  are  sorry  to  be  obliged  to  say 
that  we  can  find  but  little  in  the  present  propositions  of  the  Labor  Party 
which  promises  very  much  of  good.  For  the  most  part,  its  leaders  are 
bigoted  and  cliquish  to  the  extreme,  possessing  but  little  of  the  phil- 
osophic comprehension  of  the  conditions  through  which  labor  must  be 
elevated.  Declaration  of  principles  in  series  of  resolutions  which  form 
a  necessary  part  of  all  political  gatherings  amounts  to  nothing  unless 
the  party  presenting  them  "squares  "  itself  by  them.  This  is  the  fatal 
error  of  all  parties  and  all  governments.  They  set  out  by  making  cer- 
tain fundamental  declarations,  which  they  afterward  endeavor  to  compel 
into  meeting  the  exigencies  of  the  times. 

There  is  a  great  work  the  Labor  Party  can  do.  There  are  imper- 
fections in  our  government,  and  these  it  should  take  up  and  remedy. 
It  is  a  well-established  fact,  as  every  one  knows,  that  a  government  that  is 
not  a  representative  of  the  minorities  as  well  as  of  the  majorities  is  not  a 
government  of  freedom,  equality  and  justice.  If  imperfections  exist 
even  in  the  much  revered  Constitution,  it  should  not  be  held  so  sacred 
that  none  of  its  faults  can  be  remedied.  If  there  are  inconsistencies  in 
it,  or  if  it  contain  provisions  which  the  present  has  outgrown,  let  it  be 
thoroughly  amended,  and  as  often  as  it  can  be,  and  made  better.  We 
do  not  believe  in  anything  being  held  so  sacred  as  not  to  be  submitted 
to  a  complete  analysis,  so  that  it  may  be  determined  just  what  there  is 
good,  and  what  there  is  which  can  be  bettered.  We  are  inclined  to  the 
opinion  that  the  whole  Constitution  should  be  revised,  clarified  and  sim- 
plified, and  made  so  plain  that  there  would  be  no  possibility  of  differ- 
ent constructions  being  put  upon  any  part  of  it. 

Our  government  should  soon  be  so  formulated,  and  the  people  so 
well  informed  upon  the  true  principles  of  government,  that  all  existing 
administrations  should  exist  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  all  the  people. 
The  strife  should  not-be  for  party,  representing  different  principles,  but 
for  the  best  representative  men  to  administer  the  Constitutional  princi- 
ples which  all  would  be  agreed  upon. 

There  will  a  party  arise  having  these  objects  in  view,  and  it  need 
not  be  predicted  that  such  a  party,  once  organized,  will  begin  a  new 
era  in  the  history  of  governments,  for  sufficient  comprehension  of  what 
the  future  will  be  exists  to  make  this  a  foregone  conclusion.  The  Labor 
Party  should  make  itself  that  party.  Has  it  the  requisites  ? 

NEW  YORK,  November  25,  1870. 


163  PAPERS   ON    LABOK   AND   CAPITAL. 


PAPERS  ON  LABOK  AND  CAPITAL. 


NO.  XVI. 

• 

In  the  full  and  legitimate  consideration  of  tliis  subject  the  range 
should  extend  beyond  the  things  immediately  attaching  to  the  capital- 
ist and  the  laborer  as  persons,  and  merge  into  the  question  of  Philosophic 
Equality,  out  of  which  consideration  arises  the  true  relations  of  the  ex- 
tremes of  it  represented  by  these  two  classes.  Under  a  true  republican 
form  of  government  the  inherent  right  to  equality  on  the  part  of  all  its 
citizens  should  not  only  be  recognized  but  guaranteed.  Equality,  ex- 
cept_as  a  mythical  name,  does  not  exist  in  practice  in  this  country  ;  nor 
for  that  matter  in  any  country,  except  where  each  individual  is  his  own 
governor,  to  the  extent  of  his  power  to  maintain  such  authority ;  and 
each  individual  being  possessed  of  this  right  to  maintain  it,  comprises 
that  equality.  Philosophic  Equality  presupposes  the  right  of  each, 
individual  to  exercise  all  the  powers  possessed  by  him,  in  which  exer- 
cise the  rights  of  no  other  individual  would  be  interfered  with,  but 
which  exercise  should  not  be  aided  or  protected  by  any  device  of  law. 
The  moment  a  law  is  made  to  assist  an  individual,  or  any  number  of 
individuals,  in  the  performance  of  his  or  their  undertaking,  that  moment 
equality  on  the  part  of  all  other  citizens  ceases.  Not  only  is  this  true 
specifically,  but  it  is  a  great  deal  more  ;  it  is  true  generally  that  if  an 
individual  or  a  class  of  individuals  receive  aid,  comfort  and  protection 
from  the  law,  in  their  pursuits,  all  other  individuals  of  all  pursuits  are 
rendered  unequal  in  their  competition  with  them  in  all  of  their  respect- 
ive pursuits. 

That  is  to  say,  if  a  person  is  protected  in  the  manufacture  of  salt 
by  the  law,  which  imposes  a  heavy  tax  on  all  foreign  salt  imported 
into  the  country,  the  manufacturer  or  producer  of  grain  is  at  once 
placed  by  the  law  in  a  condition  of  inequality  with  him,  and  in  a  double 
sense  if  he  be  a  consumer  of  salt ;  for  not  only  is  the  price  of  the  home 
manufactured  salt  increased  by  the  imposition  of  the  tax,  while  the 
price  of  the  home  grown  grain  is  not  proportionately  increased,  but  the 
producer  of  the  grain  is  obliged  to  pay  the  increased  price  for  the  salt 


PAPERS   ON   LABOR   AND   CAPITAL.  169 

which  he  consumes.  The  same  rule  is  applicable  to  all  things  wherein 
individuals  are  obliged  to  seek  protection  from  foreign  importations,  to 
be  able  to  produce  the  same  at  home. 

The  argument  in  favor  of  this  course  is,  that  while  protection,  ex- 
tended to  certain  interests,  increases  the  prices  of  their  productions  to- 
the  consumers  of  them,  the  consumers  by  it  are  also  enabled  to 
obtain  higher  prices  for  what  they  have  to  place  upon  the  market.  This 
is  all  very  well  so  far  as  it  has  any  application,  but  what  is  the  effect 
upon  the  very  large  proportion  of  the  working  people  of  the  country 
who  are  not  producers  of  anything  in  their  own  right,  but  are  simply 
laborers  for  such  producers  ?  If  there  is  only  an  equality  maintained 
to  the  employers  of  such  labor,  how  can  the  benefit  extend  to  the  em- 
plpyed  ? 

In  making  this  complex  argument,  it  is  forgotten  that  real  wealth 
and  real  prosperity  do  not  consist  in  high  prices  for  everything,  but  in 
the  quantity  which  is  actually  possessed.  Prices  under  protection  must 
ever  fluctuate,  and  a  person  rich  this  year  may  be*  rendered  poor  next 
year,  by  the  depreciation  of  his  property.  Witness  the  fall  of  real  es- 
tate in  this  city  for  an  exemplification  of  what  we  mean.  High  prices 
are  not  the  ultimatum  to  be  gained  by  any  people  of  any  country ;  but, 
on  the  contrary,  the  true  point  to  attain  is  the  employment  of  the  indus- 
try of  a  country  in  those  directions,  wherein  the  most  can  be  produced  at 
the  least  cost,  in  the  accumulation  of  the  proceeds  of  which  the  country, 
as  a  whole,  must  become  wealthy  more  rapidly  than  in  the  pursuit  of 
the  other  extreme,  which  is  the  production  of  the  least  at  the  greatest 
cost;  or  in  any  modification  of  this  proposition. 

The  result  of  continuous  protection  to  any  interest  of  the  country 
may  be  exemplified  by  the  application  of  it  to  something  which  comes 
directly  home  to  us.  Suppose  that  there  are  some  gardeners  on  the 
upper  part  of  Manhattan  Island  who  appeal  to  the  city  authorities  for 
protection  against  the  gardeners  of  Long  Island,  New  Jersey,  &c.,  be- 
cause their  soil  being  not  so  fruitful  as  that  of  Long  Island  and  New 
Jersey,  they  cannot  afford  to  sell  their  vegetables  as  low  as  those  can- 
be  sold  which  are  produced  outside.  Thereupon  a  tax  of  twenty -five 
per  cent,  is  levied  by  the  city  upon  all  foreign  vegetables  sold  in  the 
market.  The  result  is,  that  all  purchasers  of  vegetables  in  the  city  are 
forced  to  pay  the  additional  cost  merely  to  enable  a  few  insignificant 
persons  to  pursue  a  calling  which  they  would  otherwise  abandon  for 
some  other  which  they  could  pursue  without  protection.  This,  though 
a  common  illustration,  exemplifies  the  operation  of  special  protection  in. 


170  PAPERS    ON    LABOR   AND    CAPITAL. 

all  its  pnases.  It  enables  the  few  to  pursue  callings  at  the  expense  of 
the  many  without  returning  to  that  many  any  adequate  benefit 

The  trouble  with  our  manufacturers  is,  that  they  want  to  get  rich 
too  fast.  They  are  not  willing  to  begin  a  new  business  in  a  way  pro- 
portionate to  their  small  means,  and  from  this  grow  gradually  into  large 
producers  as  the  manufacturers  of  other  countries  have  done.  They  want 
to  be  able  to  employ  labor  and  pay  much  larger  prices  than  are  paid  to 
those  laborers  who  toil  in  unprotected  industries.  Nor  is  the  laborer 
any  better  off  in  the  general  result.  The  laboring  classes  of  the  country 
are  not  so  well  off  under  the  present  system  of  high  prices  as  they  were 
before  the  war,  which  indicates  that  the  advance  in  wages  has  been 
more  than  counterbalanced  by  the  increase  in  the  prices  of  the  laborers' 
necessities.  As  a  general  proposition,  it  is  true  that  low  prices  are 
more  favorable  to  the  laborer  than  high  prices ;  and  that,  under  a  sys- 
tem of  protection  to  special  favored  interests,  those  interests  become 
rich  at  the  expense  of  the  laborer ;  or,  in  more  general  terms,  the  rich 
become  richer  and  the  poor  poorer  with  each  succeeding  year. 

Such  is  the  general  argument  against  protective  duties ;  but  it  does 
not  by  any  means  follow  that  all  protection  should  be  immediately 
abandoned  and  Free  Trade  become  at  once  and  fully 'inaugurated.  This, 
would  be  as  grossly  unjust  to  all  these  interests  which  have  been  en- 
couraged into  existence  by  the  present  system,  as  that  of  protection  was 
to  the  common  industries.  What  should  be  done  is  this:  Unre- 
stricted commerce,  which  would  allow  of  the  natural  demands  of  a, 
country  being  supplied,  without  restrictions  of  any  kind,  should  be  laid 
down  as  the  true  principle,  and  a  gradual  approach  from  present  protec- 
tive measures  to  freedom  be  inaugurated.  No  immediate  j  ump — nor  even 
rapid  advance  that  would  produce  misfortune  to  any  branch  of  indus- 
try, should  it  be  attempted — but  an  approach,  running  through  a  suffi- 
cient number  of  years  to  allow  of  the  adjustment  of  industries,  should 
be  the  course.  Under  such  a  system  all  the  various  industries  of  the 
country  would  gradually  equalize,  and  the  laborers  and  employers  in 
each  would  approach  an  equal  footing.  The  farmers  of  the  rich  West- 
ern prairies  would  no  longer  be  able  to  complain  of  the  discrimination 
of  government  in  favor  of  the  cotton,  woolen  and  iron  manufacturers  p* 
the  sterile  East  Whether  this  policy  is  immediately  adopted  by  govern- 
ment or  not,  it  certainly  will  be,  when  the  rapidly  increasing  West  shall 
become  the  dominant  power  in  it  Better  that  steps  looking  to  it  should 
be  at  once  adopted  than  that  it  come  after  awhile  upon  an  unprepared 
country,  which  course  has  been  so  often  erroneously  pursued  to  the 


,  PAPERS    ON    LABOR   AND   CAPITAL.  171 

destruction,  demoralization  and  discouragement  of  tnose  classes  of  in- 
dustries which  require  consideration  in  their  youth  from  the  strong  arm 
of  the  government ;  to  accord  which  is  not  only  for  the  interests  of  the 
country,  but  which  is  also  its  duty  to  its  acknowledged  citizens  ;  the 
error  heretofore  having  been  that  the  consideration  thus  extended  has 
been  at  the  expense  of  a  part  of  the  citizens  of  the  country  and  not  at  the 
expense  of  the  country  as  a  whole. 

Equality  to  all  the  citizens  of  the  country  can  only  be  possible 
where  there  is  no  special  discrimination  on  the  part  of  government  to- 
ward any,  whether  that  discrimination  is  in  the  form  of  specific  protect- 
ive duties,  unequal  levies  of  taxes,  or  through  devices  of  law ;  or,  in 
other  words,  equality  is  an  impossibility  so  long  as  special  legislation 
is  allowed  either  in  our  State  or  National  councils. 


PAPEES  ON  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL. 


NO.    XVIL 

The  great  object  of  a  republican  form  of  government  is  to  arrive 
at  that  condition  wherein  all  the  people  constituting  its  citizens  will 
stand  upon  a  perfect  equality  in  all  things,  which  can  be  effected  by 
.government.  A  government  cannot  determine  that  each  citizen  shall 
have  equal  capacity  to  apply  and  make  use  of  the  rights,  privileges  and 
immunities  which  it  guarantees  to  its  people,  but  it  can  determine  that 
each  citizen  shall  have  an  equality  of  right  to  these  benefits,  the  perfect 
attainment  of  which  must  rest  with  the  citizen. 

The  question  of  Labor  and  Capital,  as  was  said  before,  is  included 
in  the  greater  and  more  important  question  of  a  Common  Equality,  or 
an  equality  which  is  predicated  upon  the  fact  that  all  mankind  are 
brethren.  A  republican  form  of  government  should  find  its  fountain 
in  this  fact,  and  all  its  causes  should  be  governed  by  its  deductions. 
All  the  means  of  providing  foe  the  administration  of  the  government, 
for  its  maintenance  and  for  the  correction  of  any  existing  abuses,  should 


172  PAPERS   ON   LABOR   AND   CAPITAL. 

be  formulated  with  this  one  greatest  of  all  human  possibilities  ever  in 
view.  Thus  formulated,  its  practices  would  ever  tend  to  bring  all  the 
people  into  a  comprehension,  of  it,  which  comprehension  is  now  scarcely 
existant  except  in  meaningless  words,  which  are  dealt  from  pharisaical 
pulpits.  In  our  last  number  the  practice  of  protection  to  favored  in- 
terests was  considered,  with  reference  to  its  general  effect  upon  other 
unfavored  industries;  the  unequal  working  of  the  system  of  levying  duties, 
does  not  stop  with  generalities ;  it  extends  and  touches  a  still  more  vital 
point,  and  one  which  the  people  are  more  sensitive  upon  than  almost 
-any  other.  The  laying  of  specific  duties  upon  imported  goods  and 
wares  is  an  indirect  way  of  taxing  that  portion  of  the  people  who  con- 
sume such  imported  goods  and  wares.  It  not  only  makes  it  possible- 
for  the  protected  interest  to  exist  at  the  expense  of  other  interests  which 
consume,  but  by  this  operation  the  government  obtains  revenue  which 
is  an  indirect  tax  gathered  from  those  who  are  compelled  to  pay  the 
advanced  prices  which  the  levying  of  duties  implies.  The  amount  ob- 
tained by  such  unequal  and  indirect  methods  of  revenue  for  the  last 
fiscal  year  was  the  enormous  sum  of  $194,448,427,  every  dollar  of  which 
•was  in  reality  but  an  additional  tax  drawn  from  the  individuals  who- 
purchased  such  imported  merchandise.  This  manner  of  levying  taxes 
would  not  matter  so  much  as  a  system  of  taxation  did  it  fall  equally 
upon  the  taxable  property  of  the  country,  upon  which  general  taxes 
are  levied,  but  nearly  $100,000,000  of  the  above  sum  was  collected  upon 
woolens,  cottons,  sugar,  molasses,  coffee  and  tea,  of  all  of  which  the  poor- 
est m  common  with  the  richest  are  almost  equal  consumers. 

Laborers  of  the  United  States  !  How  like  you  this  manner  of  nich- 
ing your  hard-earned  dollars,  under  the  specious,  fraudulent  name  of 
"protection  to  home  industries."  It  is  no  wonder  that  your  hard- 
earned  wages  will  scarcely  supply  your  families'  necessities,  when  you 
.  are  compelled  to  pay  such  a  sum  upon  the  most  common  staple  articles 
of  general  consumption.  It  is  no  wonder  you  are  continuously  laborers, 
never  being  able  to  become  producers  upon  your  own  account,  when 
you,  who  should  not,  arid,  under  general  principles  of  taxation  would 
not  be  called  upon  to  pay  a  single  dollar  as  a  direct  tax,  are  thus  bur- 
dened. 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  the  levying  of  specific  duties  on  importer 
goods  is  a  most  unequal  and  iniquitous  manner  of  taxing  the  poor  la- 
boring classes  of  the  country  to  support  the  government,  which  is  ad- 
ministered to  all  intents  and  purposes  in  the  interests  of  the  rich,  and 
under  which  the  really  poor  become  poorer  every  year. 


PAPERS   ON   LABOR   AXD   CAPITAL.  173 

are  the  other  means  to  which  the  government  resorts  to  sup- 
port itself  entitled  to  very  much  more  consideration  than  that  of  the 
indirect  one  just  mentioned.  There  is  no  equality  to  the  general  peo- 
ple in  any  of  them ;  and  it  is  quite  evident  that  the  whole  system  of  rev- 
enue for  the  support  of  the  government  should  be  remodeled,  so  as  to 
fall  where  it  should,  in  justice,  upon  the  taxable  property  of  the  whole 
Union.  This  done,  and  a  sound  financial  system  also  inaugurated,  the 
lower  classes  of  society  would  begin  to  be  leveled  up  to  the  medium, 
and  the  upper  classes  to  be  leveled  down  to  the  same  basis  of  material 
prosperity. 

A  system  of  taxation  for  the  support  of  all  government — town,  city, 
county,  state  and  national — should  be  formulated  and  inaugurated,  based 
upon  the  proposition  that  all  taxes  should  be  general  and  none  special. 
All  of  these  taxes,  for  the  several  purposes,  should  be  assessed,  levied 
and  collected  by  one  set  of  revenue  officers,  and  thereby  an  immense 
system  of  economy  introduced,  whereby  the  collection  of  the 
revenues  of  the  country  should  not  consume,  by  one-twentieth 
part,  what  is  now  consumed  in  the  almost  innumerable  methods 
which  are  adopted  to  obtain  the  people's  money  by  indirect  means.  All 
of  these  subjects  are  for  the  laboring  classes  to  take  up,  examine,  decide 
upon  and  rectify,  and  never  will  they  obtain  the  possibility  of  an 
equality  until  this  is  done.  Never  can  equality  be  possible  under  the 
forms  through  which  government  is  now  administered  and  supported, 
and  never  will  the  laboring  classes  become  independent  of  the  wealthy 
classes  until  the  freedom,  equality  and  justice,  which  are  the  birthright  of 
every  citizen  of  the  United  States,  become  possible  of  attainment  under 
its  government. 


PAPERS   ON   FINANCE  AND  COMMERCE. 


NO.    I. 


In  the  following  papers  it  will  be  our  design  to  treat  the  questions 
of  Finance  and  Commerce  in  a  somewhat  different  manner  from  the  or- 
dinary and  current  way.  The  mere  records  of  the  transactions  had  in 
the  world  of 'money  and  of  merchandise  belong  to  the  ordinary  method 
of  dealing  with  all  matters  that  interest  the  people.  The  facts — the  re- 
sults— only  enter  into  the  consideration,  and  if  serious  conflict  or  serious 
faults  are  recorded,  no  attention  is  paid  to  the  sources  from  which  they 
spring,  and  from  which  they  will  continue  to  spring  so  long  as  the 
sources  furnish  the  causes  All  subjects,  and  all  parts  of  the  common 
interests  of  humanity,  will  receive  from  us  not  only  the  attention  which 
the  present  demands,  but  if  the  present  brings  unhappiness  to  humanity, 
or  does  not  bring  happiness,  the  fountains  will  be  examined  to  discover 
where  the  stream  takes  on  its  bitterness  and  its  sediment — and,  for  in- 
stance, produces  financial  disease — with  the  view  of  exposing  to  the  peo- 
ple what  causes  their  unhappiness  or  lack  of  happiness. 

As  society  is  constituted  at  present,  nothing  within  its  interests  has 
so  much  power  for  good  or  ill  as  money.  He  that  has  it  is  independent 
—is  a  free  man  ;  while  he  that  has  it  not  is  dependent — a  slave  in  some 
one  or  other  of  the  forms  of  slavery.  Men  recognize  that  this  is  an 
imperfect  condition  of  society,  made  up,  as  it  is  of  people  born  free 
and  equal  in  the  eyes  of  the  law,  and  by  it  entitled  to  their  chosen  path 
of  happiness.  These  being  the  birthright  of  every  one,  the  construc- 
tion of  society  should  be  such  as  to  guarantee  it  to  every  one.  As 
society  Improves  its  condition,  the  advance  made  will  be  ever  toward 


PAPERS  ON  FINANCE  AND  COMMERCE.  175 

practical  equality  in  all  temporal  things.  It  is  the  duty  of  those  who 
labor  in  the  interests  of  society  to  lay  hold  of  the  future,  and  bring  its 
conditions  into  the  broadest  present  application. 

Money  being  the  corner-stone  upon  which  society  is  now  built,  is 
thereby  that  stone  of  all  others  which  should  be  perfect,  not  only  in 
form,  but  perfect  in  duratioji :  that  is,  it  should  be  of  such  composite 
elements  that  time  nor  change  should  be  able  to  produce  any  effect, 
either  upon  its  external  appearance  or  upon  the  arrangement  of  its  parts. 
It  becomes  apparent,  then,  at  first  observation  from  this  standpoint,  that 
our  present  corner-stone  is  not  one  that  can  endure ;  it  becomes  plain 
that  it  not  only  will  change,  but  that  it  should  change,  because  of  its  ca- 
pability to  meet  the  requirement  of  a  perfect  corner-stone,  upon  which 
society  can  rest  with  perfect  and  continuous  security. 

Gold  has  long  been  the  accepted  money  standard  of  value.  Intrin- 
sically, it  has  no  value  other  than  for  the  other  uses  to  which  it  is 
adapted,  but  custom  and  long  usage  have  raised  it  into  the  position  of  a 
god,  before  whom  the  world  falls  down  and  worships  with  as  much  de- 
votion as  Pagans  do  before  their  various  gods.  And,  considered  as  a 
god,  none  other  has  in  this  day  and  age  one-half  the  power,  nor  is  any 
other  worshiped  with  one-half  the  devotion  it  is.  This  may  be  con- 
sidered an  unjust  reflection  upon  the  so-called  Christians ;  but  let  them, 
as  a  class,  examine  themselves  individually,  and  if  the  analysis  does  not 
sustain  the  proposition,  we  shall  be  very  willing  to  confess  our  error,  and 
appeal  for  forgiveness.  Gold  has  been  the  accepted  money  standard, 
but  the  practice,  since  the  depreciation  of  our  country's  credit,  has,  to 
all  intents  and  purposes,  reduced  it  to  a  mere  commodity.  Our  money 
is  not  measured  by  Gold — Gold  is  measured  by  it.  It  may  be  said  that 
this  is  merely  for  temporary  convenience,  but  nevertheless  it  is  so  meas- 
ured, and  the  practice  has  demonstrated  that  so  far  as  facilitating  ex- 
change of  products  in  our  own  country  is  concerned,  its  use  might  be 
dispensed  with.  If  it  can  be  dispensed  with  and  trade  continue,  its  im- 
portance as  money  entirely  disappears.  Would  dispensing  with  its  use 
offer  any  impediments  to  commerce  with  other  countries  ?  But  this  ar- 
ticle is  simply  introductory,  intended  rather  to  indicate  what  our  treat- 
ment of  finance  will  be,  than  for  the  discussion  of  any  of  the  questions 
that  arise  under  it  These  will  remain  for  future  consideration ;  here  we 
will  simply  state  that  we  do  not  believe  gold  to  be  a  true  standard  of 
value  ;  that  we  do  not  believe  its  use  as  money  is  at  all  necessary ;  that 
we  do  not  believe  that  its  use  as  money  contributes  to  general  pros- 
12 


176  PAPERS   ON  FINANCE   AND   COMMERCE. 

perity ;  and  that  we  do  believe  that  its  use  will  be  supplanted  by  a  new 
medium — the  true  representative  of  that  portion  of  the  real  wealth  of 
the  country  which  is  at  the  given  time  in  the  process  of  exchange. 

NEW  YORK,  August  25,  1870. 


PAPEES    ON    FINANCE    AND    COMMERCE. 


NO.    II. 

Finance  and  commerce  are  so  intimately  connected  that  one  can- 
not be  treated  without  the  other  being,  at  least,  indirectly  alluded  to. 
If  these  terms  are  analyzed,  their  relations  will  be  perfectly  under- 
stood. Commerce  is  the  simple  exchange  of  something  one  individual 
possesses  for  something  another  individual  is  possessed  of.  This  ex- 
change may  be  between  neighbors,  or  between  nations ;  it  is  all  com- 
merce. In  ancient  times,  articles  of  merchandise  were  exchanged  for 
articles  of  merchandise,  but  as  commerce  increased  in  amount,  and  its 
limits  became  extended,  it  became  necessary  to  make  use  of  some- 
thing that  should  represent  value,  so  that  there  need  not,  in  all  cases, 
be  an  actual  transfer  of  property  for  property.  The  medium  used  to 
facilitate  these  exchanges  was  money  in  its  first  phases,  and  out  of  this 
necessity  have  grown  all  the  different  monetary  devices  made  use  of,  at 
various  times,  in  the  history  of  civilization. 

To  demonstrate  that  money  is  only  a  convenience  and  not  an  ab- 
solute necessity,  any  one  has  only  to  observe  that  frequent  purchases, 
sales  and  payments  are  made  without  the  use  of  money  or  any  other 
representative  of  value,  but  by  the  direct  transfer  of  value  for  value. 
It  is  plain,  then,  that  money,  be  it  gold,  silver  or  what  else  it  may,  if 
not  intrinsically  of  the  value  set  upon  it,  but  that  it  represents  some- 
thing that  has  intrinsic  value.  If  this  is  questioned,  let  any  one  who 
doubts  it  procure  some  gold  in  its  original  state  and  endeavor  to  make 
exchanges  with  it  He  will  find  that  no  one  will  receive  it,  even  at 
its  value  by  weight  Were  he  to  apply  to  a  dozen  places  where  gold, 


PAPERS   ON   FINANCE   AND   COMMERCE.  177 

in  mass,  is  dealt  in,  he  would  be  offered  a  dozen  different  prices  for 
his  article.  It  is  only  after  gold  has  passed  through  the  hands  of  the 
government,  and  has  received  its  impress  as  an  indorsement,  that  it  be- 
comes current  as  money. 

It  is  further  to  be  observed  that  the  time  came  when  even  coin  be- 
came too  burdensome  to  be  directly  transferred  in  making  exchanges, 
and  something  representing  it  was  brought  into  use.  This  consisted 
of  bits  of  paper,  containing  upon  them  promises  to  pay  so  much  in 
coin,  &c.,  &c.;  and  under  this  practicce  banks  of  issue  sprung  into  ex- 
istence, their  issues  being  supposed  to  represent  a  gold  or  coin  basis  of 
value.  But  a  full  representation  alone  of  coin  deposited  was  found  not 
to  supply  a  sufficient  circulating  medium  to  accommodate  the  move- 
ment of  produce,  and  for  other  uses,  and  it  became  customary  for  the 
banks  to  expand  their  issues  beyond  the  amount  of  coin  on  hand,  upon 
the  supposition  that  these  promises  to  pay  would  never  be  presented  in 
sufficient  quantities  to  consume  their  actual  specie.  But  suppositions 
are  only  true  generally,  and  hence  it  came  that  promises  to  pay  often  ex- 
hausted the  ability  to  pay,  and  here  began  the  ills  that  must  necessarily 
attend  a  false  standard  of  values. 

In  all  seasons  of  financial  distress,  gold,  as  a  standard,  has  failed. 
The  necessities  of  our  late  war  demonstrated  and  represented  the  fallacy 
of  an  absolute  standard  in  gold,  and  happily  suggested  a  better  stand- 
ard. No  sooner  did  the  supply  of  gold  at  the  compiand  of  the  govern- 
ment fail,  than  the  latter  was  compelled  to  resort  to  its  credit,  or  to  a 
direct  representation  of  the  true  value  and  wealth  of  the  country.  The 
credit  of  the  government  was  the  ability  and  intention  of  the  country 
to  meet  the  promises  of  its  government,  and  this  ability  determined 
its  currency.  It  was  not  the  amount  of  gold,  absolutely,  that  the  coun- 
try was  supposed  capable  of  acquiring  that  thus  entered  into  considera- 
tion, but  the  ability  of  the  country  to  produce  certain  quantities  of  mer- 
chandise, which  should,  in  time,  be  sufficient,  above  consumption,  to 
balance  these  promises  to  pay.  It  was  the  productive  capacity  of  this 
country  that  gave  value  to  its  currency  and  bonds  irrespective  of  gold. 
The  productive  capacity  of  a  country  is  then  the  virtual  standard  of 
the  value  of  its  currency,  and  as  gold  can  only  be  obtained  by  the 
products  of  the  country,  its  necessity  as  a  medium  may  be  dispensed 
with.  It  is  now  predicted  that  the  sooner  gold,  as  the  money -god,  is 
dethroned  in  the  hearts  and  customs  of  the  people,  the  sooner  a  sound 
and  perfect  system  of  finance  will  be  inaugurated. 


178  PAPERS   ON    FINANCE   AND   COMMERCE. 

• 

That  there  is  a  true  standard  of  value,  and  one  that  can  never  fail 
in  time  of  need,  nor  be  made  use  of  for  speculative  purposes  as  gold  is, 
must  be  apparent  to  every  thinking  mind.  How  many  of  the  people  of 
this  country,  during  the  last  eight  years,  have  received  gold  or  silver  for 
what  they  have  disposed  of,  or  have  used  it  to  purchase  their  necessi- 
ties? And  yet  the  talk  of  a  return  to  specie  payment  is  everywhere 
heard.  When  will  the  idol  worship  of  the  god  of  gold  be  completely 
abolished  ? 

NEW  YORK,  August  31,  1870. 


PAPEKS     ON    FINANCE     AND     COMMERCE. 


NO.  nr. 

We  have  said  that  there  is  a  true  standard  of  value,  and  that  this 
is  based  in  the  capacity  of  a  country  to  pay  without  infringing  upon 
the  country  itself ;  that  is,  without  resorting  to  an  actual  transfer  of 
supposed  title  to  any  part  of  its  domain  for  something  the  domain  itself 
produced.  Actual  ownership  in  the  soil  of  a  country  is  an  assump- 
tion, as  has  been  stated  in  the  "Papers  on  Labor  and  Capital."  If  the 
title  to  any  real  estate  is  traced  back  far  enough,  it  would  be  found  to 
have  originated  in  the  practice  of  "Squatter  Sovereignty."  The  inhab- 
itants of  a  country  having  the  right  to  make  use  of  the  land  they  oc- 
cupy, render  it  more  or  less  valuable,  according  to  the  amount  they 
can  make  it  produce,  whether  it  be  in  the  shape  of  its  natural  products 
or  those  of  artificial  assistance,  or  whether  it  is  simply  occupied  for  pur- 
poses other  than  production. 

The  basis,  however,  of  the  value  is  in  the  productions  of  the  soil 
of  a  country ;  it  matters  not  how  much  value  may  be  added  by  the  art 
of  man  to  what  nature  furnishes.  This  would  find  no  scope  for  action 
did  the  earth  not  first  yield  the  fruits  of  her  bosom  to  the  hand  of  the 
artist  The  finest  cloth,  the  most  delicate  silks  and  laces,  the  most 
costly  jewels,  even  the  light  that  robs  night  of  its  darkness,  are  all  pri- 


PAPERS   O:NT   FINANCE   AND   COMMEECE. 

marily  the  products  of  the  earth.  Without  this  yielding  of  the  earth 
there  would  be  nothing.  This  giving  up  of  the  earth  to  the  demands, 
efforts  and  desires  of  man,  is  the  process  by  which  he  acquires  all  his 
wealth.  Even  the  gold  that  has  so  long  been  called  money  the  earth  has 
yielded,  and  still  yields.  When  this  is  considered  in  its  true  light,  we 
come  to  a  realization  that  gold  is  no  more  money,  absolutely,  than  any 
other  of  the  different  products  of  the  earth,  but  with  them  all  it  forms. 
the  real  value  standard.  Gold  is  relatively  valuable  for  the  general 
uses  it  can  be  made  to  subserve  ;  so,  too,  and  only  so,  are  all  other  prod- 
ucts. Any  other  metal  might  just  as  well  have  been  selected  out  of 
which  to  coin  money  as  gold.  It  no  longer  answers  the  purpose  it  has 
been  used  for  so  long.  It  is  not  "  radical "  enough  to  suit  "  the  times." 
It  is  one  of  the  landmarks  of  conservatism,  reminding  us  that  once  it 
required  at  least  six  months  to  communicate  with,  and  receive  an  an- 
swer from,  London,  whereas  we  now  know  the  5  o'clock  P.  M.  closing; 
prices  of  stocks  in  London  at  1  o'clock  of  the  same  day. 

Such  annihilation  of  time  and  space  is  entirely  ahead  of,  and  above,, 
the  era  of  gold,  which  must  yield  its  sway  to  something  more  elastic,  and 
consequently  possible  of  better  adaptation  to  the  constantly  varying  re- 
quirements of  the  peoples  The  world  having  been  so  long  held  in 
financial  bondage  to  gold,  is  now  approaching  a  period  wherein  it  will 
rid  itself  of  the  yoke.  A  very  few  people  in  the  world  rule  it.  What 
of  the  thrones  of  Europe  without  the  Rothschilds  ?  and  what  of  them  if 
not  for  gold  ?  The  vast  debts  of  those  countries  alone  render  crowns 
longer  endurable.  Just  a  little  more  intelligence  among  the  common 
people — just  a  few  more  newspapers  and  readers,  and  the  work  is  done ; 
those  who  play  king,  and  they  who  are  the  real  kings,  will  fall  together. 
Kings  rule  the  people,  but  money  rules  kings.  This  is  beginning  to 
be  realized,  and  the  realization  is  not  satisfactory  to  those  who  produce 
wealth ;  they  do  not  care  to  live  under  the  tyranny  of  a  god  they  them- 
selves have  fashioned.  But  after  gold,  what  ? 

NEW  YORK,  Sept  7,  1870. 


180  PAPEHS   OX   yiXANCE  AND   COMMENCE. 


PAPERS  ON  FINANCE  AND  COMMERCE. 


NO.    IV. 

If  gold,  as  a  medium  of  exchange,  is  behind  the  requirements  of 
the  times — and  that  it  is  has  been  pretty  fully  demonstrated — some  re- 
form should  be  instituted  to  supply  the  failure ;  some  reform — not  merely 
to  meet  the  exigencies  of  present  time  and  circumstances — which 
should  be  inaugurated  as  a  permanent  change. 

Our  government,  during  the  last  war,  was  obliged  to  resort  to  what 
was  considered  then  by  nearly  all  people,  and  is  still  considered  by 
many  people,  as  very  extreme  measures,  in  order  to  furnish  the  material 
by  which  the  war  might  be  carried  on.  Without  the  greenbacks  we 
never  could  have  succeeded  as  we  did.  To  the  person  who  conceived 
his  project  we  are  as  greatly  indebted  as  to  our  generals,  who  success- 
fully prosecuted  the  war  upon  the  means  furnished  through  his  financial 
foresight  This  was  one  means  of  resorting  to  the  credit  of  the  country. 
If  the  credit  of  the  country  was  sufficiently  good  to  furnish  it  with  the 
means  to  carry  on  such  an  exhaustive  war  as  ours  was,  it  surely  should 
be  good  for  any  peaceful  time. 

For  our  part,  we  cannot  see  the  propriety  of  returning  to  specie 
payment;  and  there  is  one  insuperable  objection  to  it.  Gold  cannot 
furnish  the  circulating  medium  for  the  world,  and  credit  nfust  be  re 
sorted  to ;  and  the  necessity  of  having  two  kinds  of  circulation  involves 
difficulties  which  the  mercantile  world  would  be  glad  to  have  forever 
done  with. 

Why  should  people  be  obliged  to  use  one  kind  of  circulating  me- 
dium to  purchase  another  kind  with,  and  then  use  this  second  kind  to 
pay  his  debts  to  another  party,  who  will  sell  it  again  to  obtain  what  the 
first  person  used  to  purchase  it  ?  This  is  the  logic  of  specie  payments. 
If  it  is  argued  that  the  actual  transfer  of  the  gold  is  not  necessary,  we 
would  then  ask  why  is  specie  payment  desirable  ut  all  ?  The  facts  re- 
garding this  question  are  that  people  have  become  wedded  to  the  idea 
that  gold  is  the  only  possible  thing  that  can  be  made  money,  while  all 


PAPERS   OX   FINANCE   AND-  COMMERCE.  181 

their  practice  has  been  that  it  is  the  least  entitled  to  the  name  of  money 
of  anything  they  have  ever  used  as  such. 

As  has  been  said,  the  real  standard  value  of  a  country  is  its  capac- 
ity to  produce,  and  it  is  this  production  that  requires  to  be  moved,  ex- 
changed, bartered  or  sold.  The  use  of  something  to  represent  this,  for 
which  it  can  stand  responsible  in  general  terms,  is  what  is  required  of 
money.  That  kind  of  money  which  will  best  meet  all  these  require- 
ments is  the  best  money.  That  kind  of  money  which  has  elasticity, 
that  will  be  plenty  when  business  is  active,  and  that  can  be  readily  put 
to  other  use  for  profit  when  business  is  less  demanding,  is  the  kind  the 
prosperity  of  a  country  demands.  With  a  money  of  this  kind,  all  finan- 
cial crises  would  be  impossible.  It  is  the  possibility  of  making  a  strin- 
gent market  that  unsettles  financial  matters  and  causes  financial 
destruction.  And  it  is  because  we  have  not  a  financial  s}rstem  of 
our  own  that  it  is  possible  for  exigencies  in  other  countries  to 
unsettle  values  here.  To-day,  the  price  of  our  securities  in  Lon- 
don determines  the  price  of  gold  here.  In  view  of  the  pos- 
sible complications  in  which  Europe  is  liable  to  be  involved  any 
time,  and  which  she  must  within  a  very  few  years  be  involved  in,  it 
becomes  a  matter  of  considerable  moment,  whether  our  finances  are  to 
"be  governed  and  guided  by  the  condition  of  things  there,  when  these 
things  shall  come. 

As  a  nation  we  are  or  can  be,  were  it  necessary,  independent  of 
the  world,  and  are  the  first  and  best  representative  of  a  republican  form 
of  government  Why  should  we  not  be  the  nation  to  give  to  the  world 
a  reformed  currency  ?  The  world — or  that  part  of  it  which  has  grown 
to  appreciate  our  kind  of  freedom — involuntarily  turns  its  eyes  to  us 
for  patterns  of  all  things  that  a  people  during  a  change  of  government 
require.  One  of  the  first  things  a  government  requires  is  money.  Why 
shall  we  not  show  the  nations  how  to  make  the  best  use  of  their  means, 
and  give  them  a  system  that  will  do  more  for  them  than  any  system 
that  has  yet  been  tried,  and  by  so  doing  also  meet  our  own  needs  ? 

The  capability  to  do  this  would  instantly  place  us  at  the  head  of 
nations,  and  financially  to  stand  thus,  is  to  complete  the  measure  of  our 
greatness.  Politically,  we  can  never  be  subdued.  Daring  our  late  war 
there  were  two  millions  of  men  under  arms.  Just  in  this  proportion, 
also,  should  we  be  powerful  financially,  and  to  become  so  would  be  to 
be  allotted  by  the  world  the  lead  of  it  and  all  its  nations. 


182  PAPEHS    ON    FINANCE   AND    COMMERCE. 


PAPERS     ON     FINANCE     AND     COMMERCE. 


The  gravest  of  all  questions  of  political  economy  is  that  of  a  coun- 
try's money.  A  very  great  deal  more  of  the  people's  common  happi- 
ness depends  upon  money  than  even  political  economists  generally  sup- 
pose. Happiness  is  very  closely  allied  to  prosperity,  and  general  pros- 
perity in  a  country  can  never  obtain  unless  it  is  under  a  sound  finan- 
cial system.  Yery  few  people  understand  what  general  prosperity 
means.  It  does  not  mean  vast  sums  of  gold  in  the  hands  of  a  few  of 
the  inhabitants  of  the  country,  while  the  great  majority  struggle  month 
after  month  for  the  absolute  necessities  of  life.  There  may  be  a  great 
deal  of  money  in  a  country  and  still  be  very  little  general  prosperity 
with  the  common  people.  The  question  of  money  has  never  been  con- 
sidered philosophically,  nor  with  due  regard  to  the  common  interests  of 
humanity.  It  is  always  viewed  from  the  standpoint  of  the  wealthy, 
and  usually  by  the  wealthy  or  by  those  in  their  direct  interests. 

The  producing  classes,  however,  are  beginning  to  awake  to  the 
fact  that  they  have  never  been  represented  in  any  of  the  legislation 
that  has  been  had  regarding  finance  and  the  currency  they  have  been 
forced  to  use.  On  the  contrary,  they  perceive  that  all  legislation  has 
been  in  the  interests  of  capital,  and  this  perception  is  what  is  arraying 
these  supposed  two  interests  against  each  other.  The  facts  existing 
have  only  to  be  considered  to  prove  that  our  financial  system  is  un- 
sound, and  this  should  be  sufficient  to  force  our  legislation  to  take  up 
the  question,  and  to  handle  it  in  the  light  of  the  demands  of  the  present, 
utterly  regardless  of  the  superstition  that  has  so  long  existed  about  the 
gold  idol. 

The  objectors  to  any  thing  as  money  but  gold,  make  much  of  the 
need  of  it  to  make  good  the  balances  of  trade  between  different  coun- 
tries. But  these  forget  that  gold  is  nothing  but  merchandise  until  the 
country  has  placed  its  indorsement  upon  it,  and  that  it  is  this  which  gives 
it  the  character  of  money,  and  that  it  does  not  derive  this  character 
from  the  fact  that  it  is  gold.  The  indorsement  of  a  country  upon  gold 


PAPERS  ON   FINANCE   AND   COMMERCE.  183 

coin  is  a  simple  guarantee  that  it  is  of  a  specific  purity,  after  this,  its 
value  is  determined  by  its  weight.  Thus  gold  sent  to  other  countries 
to  pay  balances  against  us,  is  sent  and  received,  as  so  much  by  weight 
of  a  specific  quality  of  gold,  and  not  as  so  much  of  our  national  money. 
The  force  of  this  objection,  then,  is  utterly  destroyed  by  these  consider- 
ations ;  and  especially  so,  when  this  same  gold,  coined  by  our  govern- 
ment, is  recoined  by  the  country  we  send  it  to.  Here  it  is  distinctly 
proved  that  gold  is  not  money,  and  that  it  is  only  a  commodity  which 
we  produce  and  part  with  in  exchange  for  other  commodities,  and  that 
it  is  just  as  valuable  for  this  purpose  if  it  goes  direct  from  the  mines 
where  we  produce  it,  to  other  countries,  as  it  is  if  it  goes  by  the  way 
of  a  United  States  Mint,  where  it  receives  the  indorsement  of  the  gov- 
ernment. 

To  go  still  deeper,  there  is  a  no  more  mischievous  idea  than  that 
all  paper  money  should  be  redeemable  in  gold  which  should  alone  be 
legal-tender,  because  everybody  knows  that  the  amount  of  currency  this 
country  demands  cannot  by  any  possibility  ever  be  redeemed  by  gold. 
It  may  be  redeemed  by  using  the  same  gold  coin  over  and  over  again, 
as  it  is  again  and  again  received  and  paid  ;  but  just  here  is  the  diffi- 
culty ;  lor  ten  dollars  of  currency  in  reality  have  to  be  redeemed  by 
the  one  gold  dollar.  This  is  the  practice  of  specie  payments,  and  a  most 
mischievous  one  it  is,  too  ;  it  is  the  sole  idea  that  leads  to  great  infla- 
tions, and  consequently  to  great  collapses  in  finances  and  values.  Under 
this  system  there  never  was  nor  never  can  be  a  reliable  mercantile  value 
to  anything.  Fluctuation  is  its  direct  result,  while  speculation,  without 
this,  would  cease,  and  the  vast  horde  of  mere  speculators  who  spend 
their  whole  time  in  it,  would  of  necessity  be  compelled  to  become  pro- 
ducers of  some  kind.  It  will  thus  be  seen  that  the  first  principles  of 
economy  are  in  direct  opposition  to  the  results  coming  from  the  use  of 
gold  as  money ;  and  that  these  declare  that  something  should  supersede 
its  use  as  such  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  speculate  upon  ;  some- 
thing that  would  have  such  absolute  and  never  varying  value  as  could 
be  positively  counted  upon  to  endure  a  month,  a  year,  a  century  or  a 
thousand  years,  as  the  cases  in  question  should  respectively  involve. 
Such  a  substantial  thing  might  with  propriety  be  called  money,  and  in 
comparison  to  it  gold  would  sink  into  utter  insignificance  and  be  for- 
gotten. 

NEW  YORK,  September  14,  1870. 


184  PAPERS    OX    F1XAXCE   AND    COMMERCE. 


NO.    VI. 

A  very  fallacious  argument  lias  been  the  rule,  because  gold  has 
been  considered  "money,"  that  all  currency  is  "credit;"  this  at  first 
blush  would  seem  to  be  still  further  strengthened  by  the  proposition 
that  gold  is  only  merchandise.  By  no  means,  however,  is  all  currency 
credit.  All  bank  currency  is  credit  All  currency  that  is  not  legal- 
tender  for  contracts  and  debts  is  credit ;  but  a  currency  which  is  of 
itself  legal-tender  is  money,  because  it  is  itself  intrinsically  valuable. 
All  the  uses  one  has  for  money  it  fills  ;  it  not  only  meets  all  demands 
that  "  credit  currency  "  can  meet,  but  it  fills  other  and  specific  demands 
that  bank  currency  cannot  It  is  receivable  for  nearly  all  governmental 
demands  upon  the  people ;  it  pays  taxes,  and  cannot  be  refused  by  any 
one  in  payment  of  contracts  and  obligations.  Such  a  currency  has  all 
the  features  and  characteristics  of  money,  except  that  in  our  practice  it 
has  not  been  receivable  for  duties  upon  imports.  Had  greenbacks  been 
made  legal-tender  for  all  governmental  purposes,  they  would  have  been 
"real  money,"  having  intrinsic  value,  of  which  nothing  short  of  the 
absolute  destruction  of  the  country  and  death  of  its  inhabitants  could 
have  robbed  them.  The  gold  fallacy,  however,  prevented  Congress 
from  seeing  the  real  drift  of  what  they  did,  and  the  country,  therefore, 
must  yet  a  little  longer  be  blinded  by  the  thought  that  gold  is  the  only 
money. 

The  only  argument  which  is  at  all  tenable,  that  converts  anything 
that  has  all  the  qualities  of  merchandise  into  a  measure  of  value  is,  that 
the  article  thus  rendered  costs  at  all  times,  and  in  all  countries,  the 
same  labor  to  produce  it  This  test,  every  one  knows,  is  not  applicable 
to  any  single  thing  the  earth  yields  ;  and  as  little  as  to  any  other  does 
it  attach  to  gold,  and,  therefore,  gold  in  itself  is  subject  to  fluctuation, 
and  can  in  no  sense  be  considered  an  absolute  measure  of  anything. 
This  country,  since  California  began  to  yield  her  gold,  has  been  a  great 
producer  of  the  precious  metal ;  that  is,  a  certain  amount  of  labor  has 
produced  a  larger  proportionate  quantity  of  it  than  has  generally  been* 


I'APEKS    ON    FINANCE   AND    COMMERCE.  185 

produced  in  this  or  in  other  countries;    consequently  we  have  been 
large  exporters,  not  of  money,  but  of  gold,  in  its  character  as  merchan 
disc  :  very  much  of  this  has  been  exported  in  mass,  uncoined,  in  which 
condition  not  even  the  most  rigid  gold  stickler  will  pretend  it  is  money. 

Hence  it  follows  that  we  do  not  need  "  money  "  to  balance  our  ac- 
counts with  other  countries  ;  we  need  particular  kinds  of  merchandise 
which  we  have  in  larger  quantities  than  we  have  use  for,  or  which  other 
countries  need  more  than  they  do  some  merchandise  they  have  which 
we  require  more  than  they  do  ;  which  system  brings  about  exchange, 
the  sum  total  of  which  is  commerce.  If  commerce  were  left  to  regulate 
itself  without  any  interference  to  prevent  the  natural  flow  and  reflux  of 
the  products  of  the  earth,  as  stated  above,  there  would  soon  become 
•established  permanent  courses  for  certain  products,  to  take  which  would 
still  further  localize  all  kinds  of  labor,^and  render  each  of  nearly  unva- 
rying'profit.  It  is  this  interference  with  the  natural  demand  and  sup- 
ply of  the  various  parts  and  peoples  of  the  earth  that  breaks  clown  the 
equilibrium  of  labor,  and  makes  possible  the  extreme  unequal  distribu- 
tion of  wealth. 

It  will  be  seen  that  all  questions  of  finance  and  commerce  are  inti- 
mately connected,  while  those  of  labor  and  capital  grow  out  of  the  con- 
ditions they  make  possible  and  inevitable.  To  properly  understand  the 
relations  of  capital  and  labor,  and  to  harmonize  them,  demands  a  cor- 
rect comprehension  of  the  basic  principles  of  economy  which  relate  to 
finance  and  commerce.  If  these  were  based  in  correct  universal  princi- 
ples, there  could  be  no  questions  to  settle  between  labor  and  capital. 
Hence  it  is  that  it  becomes  specially  requisite  at  this  time,  when  labor 
is  rising  to  a  sense  of  the  unj  ust  position  it  is  confined  to,  that  these 
questions  of  finance  should  be  agitated  as  the  most  important  ones  lor 
adjustment.  To  begin  at  the  root  of  the  evil  is  the  philosophic  way  to 
"deal  with  all  the  ills  of  society  as  it  is  with  all  ills  which  result  in  the 
gradual  evolution  of  all  departments  of  the  universe. 

For  a  measure  of  value  and  to  aid  exchanges,  then,  there  is  required 
a  currency,  or  medium,  that  does  not  possess  any  of  the  characteristics 
•of  merchandise,  that  is  not  a  commodity  nor  a  product  in  any  sense  of 
those  terms,  but  something  that  has  intrinsic  value  of  itself,  being  a  true 
representative  of  value,  and  of  equal  and  absolute  value  at  all  times 
and  under  all  circumstances  and  changes.  Such  a  thing  would  be- 
money,  and  anything  not  possessing  these  requirements  is  not  worthy 
the  name  of  money. 


186  PAPERS   ON    FINANCE   AND   COMMERCE. 

The  question  arises,  then,  Can  there  be  anything  formulated  or 
brought  into  use  that  would  possess  all  these  requirements  under  all 
circumstances  ?  It  is  quite  certain  that  there  never  has  been,  as  yet, 
anything  used  as  money  that  was  as  absolute  as  a  dollar,  as  a  pound  js- 
as  a  pound,  or  as  a  foot  is  as  a  foot  A  pound  is  just  a  pound  under 
any  and  all.  circumstances ;  so,  too,  is  a  foot  under  the  same ;  and  so  is  a 
gallon,  and  so  is  a  cord  of  wood  ;  whether  a  greater  or  less  number  of 
any  of  them  are  required  at  one  time  or  another  for  use,  they  are  always 
a  pound,  a  foot,  a  gallon,  or  a  cord,  and  no  more  nor  no  less.  Now, 
what  we  require  is  a  measure  of  values  of  just  as  fixed  and  absolute  a 
character  as  any  of  these.  When  this  is  acquired,  then  just  as  unvary- 
ing value  will  attach  to  the  measure  of  values  as  there  does  to  those 
measures.  Money  is  but  another  name  for  values,  and  the  dollar  is  one 
of  the  divisions  of  its  measures.  There  is  no  more  reason  why  money 
should  fluctuate  in  its  capacity  of  measuring  or  of  being  measured  than 
there  is  that  the  foot  should  grow  longer  or  shorter,  or  the  pound  greater 
or  less,  and  there  is  just  the  same  reason  why  it  should  not 

Then,  the  products  of  the  earth  once  placed  upon  this  unvarying 
standard,  the  cost  of  producing  each  different  product  would  determine 
its  exact  value,  and  in  time  the  producers  of  each  kind  would  be  upon 
an  exact  equality  in  regard  to  the  value  of  their  products.  It  is  the  at- 
taching, in  practice,  of  absolute  value  to  something  that  can  have  no 
absolute  value  which  makes  possible  all  the  various  degrees  of  poverty 
that  belong  to  the  laboring  or  producing  classes.  If  these  inequalities 
are  to  be  remedied,  there  is  but  one  method  by  which  it  can  be  done — 
that  is,  to  reduce  our  money  systems  to  the  same  fixedness  that  we  have 
reduced  all  our  other  systems  to.  This  once  done,  all  labor  will  gravi 
tate  to  an  equality,  and  capital  will  become  its  best  ally  instead  of,  as 
now.  its  apparent  enemy,  while  each  of  these  interests,  and  all  divisions, 
of  each  of  them,  everywhere  in  the  world,  would  become  mutual,  and 
_  by  so  being  would  prepare  the  way  and  lay  the  foundation  for  that 
grand  harmonization  of  society  which  must  precede  the  practical  co- 
operation of  mankind,  as  brethren,  under  a  universal  unitary  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  of  the  World. 

NEW  YORK,  Sept  20,  1870. 


TAPERS   OX    FINANCE   AND   COMMERCE.  187 


PAPERS     ON     FINANCE     AND     COMMERCE, 


NO.    VII. 

The  point  has  now  been  arrived  at  where  it  is  to  be  considered 
as  decided  that  gold  is.  not,  cannot,  be  money  ;  that  it  is  a  valuable  ar- 
ticle of  merchandise.  Its  utility  beyond  this  character  has  not  only 
departed  as  a  principle,  but  in  practice  a  very  considerable  portion  of 
the  most  enlightened  people  in.  the  world  consider  it  the  source  of  great 
mischief,  and  the  more  the  causs  of  the  financial  ills  we  are  subjected 
to  are  analyzed,  the  more  they  will  be  found  to  be  dependent  upon  the 
attaching  of  a  specific  value  to  something  that  is  as  changeable  in  cost 
of  production  as  it  is  possible  for  anything  to  be. 

The  philosopher  and  the  best  reformer  would  here  step  in  and  say 
that  it  is  their  province  not  so  much  to  tear  down  the  old  as  it  is  to 
prepare  the  new  that  shall  take  the  place  of  the  old.  This  is  the  science 
of  all  reform.  However,  before  there  can  be  a  field  prepared  in  which 
the  new  can  be  used,  the  defunct  condition  of  the  old  must  be  pointed 
out,  and  its  debris  cleared  away,  so  that  the  new  may  find  space  for 
operation. 

This  preparation  has  in  reality  been  already  made.  The  necessi- 
ties of  the  Government  in  the  late  war  broke  the  first  ground  for  the 
consideration  of  this  very  important  question,  and  prepared  the  minds 
of  the  mass  of  the  people,  though,  perhaps,  unconsciously,  for  the  re- 
ception of  the  idea  that  it  is  possible  to  do  without  gold ;  that  specie 
payment  is  by  no  means  a  necessary  accompaniment  of  a  sound  finan- 
cial condition,  and  that  a  money  system  which  is  made  dependent  upon  a 
redemption  by  something  else,  is  not  only  not  to  be  desired,  but  that  it 
is  the  real  foundation  for  all  financial  disasters,  because  it  makes  an 
undue  expansion  possible.  The  people  who  would  once  have  consid- 
ered a  proposition  for  an  irredeemable  currency  with  the  utmost  alarm 
now  discuss  it  as  one  of  the  things  that  is  sure  to  be.  It  is  believed  by 
those  who  have  studied  this  subject  deepest  that  the  time  has  arrived 
when  this  government  must  enter  upon  the  consideration  of  a  permanent 
change  in  our  financial  system,  and  that  a  return  to  the  gold  standard 
•would  be  a  disaster. 


188  PAPERS    OX    FINANCE   AXD    COMMERCE. 

Bat,  says  the  objector,  how  can  an  irredeemable  currency  ever  be 
made  to  adapt  itself  to  the  varied  demands  of  the  country  ?  How  can 
anything  so  unsubstantial  as  a  paper  currency,  without  gold  support, 
be  made  as  absolute  a  measure  of  values  as  the  yard -stick  is  of  dis- 
tance? and,  if  this  can  be  accomplished,  where  will  the  elasticity  of  the 
currency  be  found  ?  In  general  terms  it  is  assumed  that,  unless  the 
proposed  financial  system  will  answer  all  these  conditions' — that  unless, 
it  will  be  elastic,  adapting  itself  to  all  the  demands  that  can  be  made, 
be  they  great  or  small,  and  at  the  same  time  remain  absolute  in  its. 
value,  it  is  not  even  fit  to  be  thought  of,  much  less  to  be  seriously  con- 
sidered as  a  substitute  for  what  has  been. 

And  this  brings  us  back  to  the  beginning  of  the  argument — to  the 
point  from  which  the  first  departure  was  made.  The  course  that  will 
be  pursued,  however,  after  leaving  this  point  this  time  will  not  be  that 
of  reconnoitring — looking  over — the  ground  to  be  covered,  but  a  steady, 
firm  and  final  advance  directly  toward  the  objective  result  desired, 
which,  if  a  failure  is  made  in  reaching,  the  campaign  against  gold  may 
be  considered  a  failura  Under  the  system  of  currency  being  good  only 
when  it  can  be  redeemed  by  gold,  there  is  required,  to  make  the  currency 
actually  in  circulation  good,  just  as  many  gold  dollars  as  there  are  cur- 
rency dollars — that  is,  if  there  is  at  any  time  in  circulation  any  more 
currency  than  there  is  gold  to  redeem  it,  then  there  is  an  expansion, 
which  any  sudden  change  in  any  of  the  circumstances  by  which  nations 
are  surrounded  is  liable  to  convert  into  a  collapse.  So  long  as  every- 
thing is  prosperous,  so  long  as  nothing  arises  to  shake  the  confidence 
of  the  people,  or  to  call  the  attention  of  any  considerable  number  to  the 
possibility  that  there  is  not  gold  enough  to  redeem  all  the  currency  that 
is  in  circulation,  so  long  everything  goes  well ;  but  so  soon  as  any  one 
of  said  conditions  occur  or  change,  then  there  is  a  rush  to  see  who  shall 
get  what  gold  there  is  ;  the  supply  exhausted,  the  unredeemed  currency 
is  valueless.  This  is  the  practice  and  the  result  of  a  redeemable  cur- 
rency ;  tke  same  results  will  also  follow  so  long  as  such  a  system  is 
tolerated. 

Everybody  knows  that  there  never  has  been  a  currency  in  circula- 
tion sufficient  in  quantity  to  meet  all  the  requirements  of  commerce 
that  had  a  complete  basis  in  gold,  and  everybody  also  knows  that  there 
is  not  gold  enough  in  the  world  to  meet  this  specific  requirement. 
Hence  it  is  that  institutions  possessing,  say  $100,000  in  gold,  put  forth 
and  obtain  interest  upon  $500,000  in  currency — that  is  to  say,  with  a, 
real  capital  of  $100,000,  which  is  worth  six  per  cent  interest,  they 


PAPER.*    OX    FINANCE    AND    COMMERCE.  189 

really  obtain  thirty  per  cent  interest,  thus  making  it  possible  for  them 
to  double  their  original  capital  every  three  or  four  years.  Did  those 
who  now  so  loudly  complain  of  the  National  Banks  receiving  interest 
from  the  government  upon  their  bonds  deposited,  and  from  the  people 
upon  their  circulation,  ever  object  to  the  greater  enormities  of  the  specie- 
paying  banks  ? 

The  only  use  of  money  is  to  facilitate  exchanges  of  what  the  earth 
produces,  voluntarily  or  under  compulsion.  Money,  then,  has  its  direct 
relation  to  these  products  as  a  whole,  and  can  have  no  special  relation 
to  any  part  of  them  :  if  made  to  enter  upon  and  sustain  any  such  special 
relation,  it  is  a  purely  arbitrary  law,  without  foundation  in  principle, 
that  compels  it,  and  all  arbitrary  laws  belong  to  the  ages  past,  when 
brute  force  was  required  to  guide  ignorance ;  they  cannot  be  long  in 
this  age  without  generating  irritation,  and  such  irritation  is  now  being 
rapidly  developed  all  over  the  world,  wherever  the  laboring  classes 
have  become  at  all  advanced  in  knowledge.  The  few  can  no  longer 
control  the  many  ;  the  many  are  to  control  the  few.  Capital,  through 
false  t  ystems  of  values,  has  been  able  to  control  labor  ;  but  the  time 
has  nearly  come  when  the  producing  many  will  control  the  accumulated 
wealth  of  the  world  for  the  benefit  of  the  whole  world — not  simply  and 
only  because  they  are  the  many,  but  because  they  are  to  be  reinforced 
by  the  invincible  powers  of  demonstrated  science,  which  are  always  to 
be  found  operating  for  the  "  greatest  good  for  the  greatest  number." 

NEW  YORK,  Sept  27,  1870. 


PAPERS    ON    FINANCE     AND     COMMERCE. 


NO.  vnr. 


Money  was  invented  as  a  method  to  facilitate  the  exchanges  of 
the  products  of  the  industry  of  the  world.  If  this  is  a  true  definition 
of  money,  the  only  legitimate  morley  it  is  possible  to  have  is  some- 
thing that  naturally  grows  out  of  the  uses  it  is  required  for.  A  na- 
tional currency,  then,  should  be  a  representative  of  that  which  it  is  its 
sphere  to  exchange  ;  that  is  to  say  :  a  currency  dollar  should  stand  for 
a  certain  amount  o?  the  different  products,  which  have  been  produced 


190  PAPERS   ON   FINANCE   AND    COMMERCE. 

at  the  expense  of  a  certain  amount  of  labor.  It  will  be  perceived  that 
this  representation  is  upon  an.  entirely  different  hypothesis  from  that  of 
a  currency  which  is  supposed  to  represent  gold. 

To  begin  with  something  which  everybody  can  understand  :  It  may 
be  supposed  that  a  farmer,  occupying  a  given  quantity  of  land,  can,  in 
a  series  of  ten  years,  produce  an  average  amount  of  ten  thousand  dol- 
lars per  year  to  dispose  of  commercially.  During  the  process  of  pro- 
duction he  is  obliged  to  have,  say,  eight  thousand  dollars7  worth  of 
means  to  enable  him  to  continue  the  process.  Now,  instead  of  his  be 
ing  obliged  to  obtain  credit  based  upon  his  prospective  crop,  he  is  sup 
plied  with  a  representative  currency  based  upon  it ;  this  enables  him  to 
purchase  from  time  to  time  that  which  he  requires.  When  his  crop  is 
harvested,  it  is  disposed  of,  and  his  currency  is  redeemed  by  it 

Now,  make  this  application  general  to  all  kinds  of  production  in 
the  country — -which  is  the  only  basis  of  value  a  country  can  have — and 
make  the  government  the  appraiser  of  the  value  thereof,  and  the  maker 
and  utterer  of  its  representative,  and  a  currency  will  be  obtained  that 
will  possess  all  the  requirements  and  characteristics  of  money  ;  because 
it  will  be  used  to  exchange  that  upon  which  it  is  based  and  of  which  it 
is  representative,  and  which  is  substantially  redeemed  every  time  it  ex- 
changes any  products  of  the  country. 

Now,  how  shall  this  system  be  instituted  ?  In  the  census  now 
being  taken,  the  value  of  the  total  products  of  the  country  can  be  ar- 
rived at,  which  sum  total  should  be  used  as  the  basis  of  issue,  and  con- 
tinue as  such  during  the  next  ten  years,  at  the  end  of  which  time  the 
increased  products  would  require  another  valuation  to  amend  the  bases 
for  an  increased  issue  for  the  next  ten  years. 

A  currency  thus  obtained  would  possess  all  the  substantial  value 
that  could  be  required  of  money.  It  is  really  the  basis  of  value  when 
gold  is  used ;  for  how  are  a  people  to  obtain  gold  unless  they  have  prod- 
uce to  exchange  for  it? — which  operation  is,  in  reality,  nothing* more 
than  the  exchange  of  one  commodity  for  another,  of  which  it  is  not  and 
cannot  be  representative,  while  in  the  case  of  the  proposed  currency  an 
exchange  is  effected  for  that  of  which  it  is  representative. 

In  this  view  of  currency  for  a  country,  our  system  of  greenbacks 
come  nearer  being  money  than  anything  that  has  ever  been  in  use  Jn 
this  or  in  any  other  country.  They  were  based  upon  the  capacity  of 
the  country  to  produce,  and  had  the  government  confined  itself  to  their 
use,  and  had  not  been  obliged  to  invent  some  further  means  to  predi- 
cate securities,  we  should  now  have  had  a  real  money  currency.  Who 


PAPERS   ON   FINANCE  AND   COMMERCE.  191 

is  there  to  find  fault  with  "greenbacks"  as  a  national  currency,  pro- 
vided there  are  enough  of  them  to  transact  the  business  of  the  country 
with,  and  no  more  than  jutt  enough  ?  But  they  lack  one  essential 
quality  of  real  money — they  are  not  receivable  for  all  things  that  peo- 
ple need  money  for,  and  which  the  government  demands  of  the  people. 
They  should  have  been  made  receivable  for  all  government  demands, 
even  for  duties  on  imports.  But  the  necessities  of  the  government,  which 
was  then  struggling  with  all  its  might  for  existence,  made  it  a  "  military 
necessity "  to  exact  gold  for  duties  on  imports,  as  an  indirect  way  of 
taxing  the  people  who  could  afford  to  indulge  in  the  luxuries  of  for- 
eign products. 

Though  not  available  for  duties  there  never  has  been  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  world  so  stable  and  invariable  a  measure  of  value  as  the 
greenbacks,  since  government  ceased  issuing  any  more  than  the 
amount  already  out.  There  has  been  no  great  financial  panic  and  no 
considerable  unsettling  of  commercial  values  They  require  that  one 
thing  more  should  be  done — they  should  be  given  a  fixed  measure  of 
value.  Then  nothing  more  could  be  required  of  a  currency  than  would 
be  found  in  the  greenbacks. 

The  reason,  and  the  only  reason,  why  the  people  can  feel  that 
sucn  a  currency  may  be  unstable  is  the  fear  that  the  government  ma}r 
be  induced  to  issue  it  in  greater  amount  than  primarily  authorized,  and 
consequently  that  it  would  depreciate ;  but  this  could  not  be  until  the 
nation  should  issue  more  than  the  value  of  its  property.  But  for  this 
deficiency  there  is  a  good  and  sufficient  remedy,  which  can  be  provided 
and  used  in  connection  with  the  proposed  new  currency,  which  is  to  be 
based  upon  the  capacity  of  the  country  for  production,  and  which  will 
also  provide  for  different  seasons  or  parts  of  seasons  when  more  or  less 
circulating  medium  is  demanded  to  fulfill  the  business  indications  of 
the  country  ;  and  with  this  it  is  believed  all  the  objections  are  covered 
that  can  possibly  be  raised  by  the  most  strenuous  stickler  for  a  currency 
with  a  gold  basis,  though  the  government  may  issue  never  so  great  a 
volume  of  the  currency  proposed. 

NEW  YORK,  Oct.  3,  1870. 


192  PAPERS   ON    FINANCE    AND    COMMERCE. 


PAPERS     ON    FINANCE     AND     COMMERCE. 


There  are  several  propositions  which  should  always  remain  in  all 
considerations  abovit  money,  so  that  the  mind  may  not  be  led  from  its 
true  sphere,  and  so  that  it  may  not  be  invested  with  peculiarities  and 
characteristics  that  never  did  nor  never  can  belong  to  money : 

First  and  most  important- — most  important  because  it  is  the  deter- 
mining point  which  gives  all  that  follows  tangibility — is,  that  money, 
in  its  primary  uses,  is  a  means  and  not  an  end.  It  is  a  means,  because 
it  was  invented  to  assist  the  people  in  performing  something  that 
could  be  performed  without,  but  not  so  well  without  it.  And  this  is 
the  sole  use  of  money.  Because  this  has  been  lost  sight  of  and  it 
has  been  invested  with  other  functions,  it  has  been  possible  for  it  lo 
be  converted  to  uses  which  at  times,  in  culminating,  have  almost  turned 
the  world  topsy-turvy. 

Second.  Money  is  the  medium  of  exchanging  commodities,  and 
when  diverted  from  its  legitimate  use  and  is  made  an  end,  results  will 
ever  follow  which  must  be  detrimental  to  the  general  interests  involved. 

Third.  All  the  material  value  money  possesses  is  so  possessed 
because  of  the  relation  it  bears  to  commodities,  that  relation  being  rep- 
resentative of  or  standing  for. 

Fourth.  While  money  is  the  medium  of  exchanges,  and  while  it 
is  in  use  representative  of  valuable  materials,  it  is  in  its  last  analysis  the 
objective  of  that  department  of  life  of  which  labor  is  the  subjective,  and, 
therefore,  when  scientifically  viewed,  it  resolves  itself  into  a  principal 
which  is  one  of  those  upon  which  society  must  be  built  when  a  perfect 
foundation  is  formulated. 

In  providing  a  currency,  therefore,  to  meet  the  uses  which  are 
demanded  of  it,  its  scientific  feature,  as  a  principle,  should  be  the  point 
of  departure,  and  should  be  the  only  guide  until  it  is  attained.  Labor 
being  the  basis  of  production,  is  the  positive  power  which  reaches  forth 
and  expends  itself,  where  money,  the  other  pole  of  the  social  battery,  is 
reached ;  this  reaction  upon  labor  completes  the  circuit,  and  here  is  the 
process  which  is  continually  going  on :  A  certain  amount  of  labor — a 
positive  power — produces  a  certain  amount  of  money  or  negative  re- 


PAPEKS   ON   FINANCE   AND    COMMERCE.  193 

suit  The  interference  with  this  natural  process  by  extraneous  means, 
through,  which  undue  quantities  of  negative  forces  are  accumulated,  is 
that  process  which  robs  labor  of  its  natural  and,  therefore,  just  results. 

The  labor  which  the  people  of  this  country  are  capable  of  perform- 
ing, then,  is  the  real  basis  upon  which  money  should  be  formulated, 
and,  as  in  practice,  the  results  generally  are  annual  in  their  return,  this 
basis  should  be  measured  by  all  they  can  produce  annually.  It  follows 
that  the  basis  upon  which  money  should  be  uttered  is  this  annual  ca- 
pacity of  labor,  and  there  should  be  sufficient  uttered  to  completely 
measure  this  capacity,  between  which  two,  when  once  established,  there 
would  be  an  equilibrium  produced,  which  would  only  require  to  be 
permanently  regulated  and  maintained  to  insure  a  perfect  harmony  in 
the  material  interests  of  society. 

For  example,  let  it  be  supposed  that  the  extremest  legitimate 
amount  of  currency  that  would  be  warranted  under  the  previous  rule  is 
one  billion  of  dollars ;  and  that  this  amount  is  all  that  the  uses  of  money 
require  when  there  is  the  largest  amount  of  business  being  transacted. 
It  must  be  remembered  that  this  is  not  a  redeemable  currency,  but  that 
it  is  money ;  that  it  is  the  representative  of  the  wealth  of  the  nation, 
and  that  the  government,  as  the  head  of  the  nation,  has  uttered  it, 
upon  the  soundest  and  best  basis  of  value  any  money  could  possibly 
have — the  productive  capacity  of  the  country.  In  this  money  system 
there  could  be  no  such  thing  as  the  failure  of  banks  to  redeem  their 
issues ;  nor  of  any  loss  to  be  sustained  by  the  individual  because  of 
the  mismanagement  of  any  board  of  directors ;  and  what  is  more  than 
all  the  rest,  in  the  present  systems  of  society,  its  value  would  be  sus- 
tained by  the  collective  accumulated  wealth  of  the  whole  country,  and 
it  could  by  no  possibility  depreciate  in  value  so  long  as  the  value  of 
the  country  was  not  exceeded  by  the  amount  of  the  issue. 

To  guard  the  people  against  all  apprehension  of  such  a  result  ever 
being  possible,  there  should  be  a  measure  placed  upon  this  currency 
that  will  at  all  times  make  it  just  as  absolute  in  its  measure  of  value 
as  the  pound  is  in  its  measure  of  weight,  or  as  inches  are  in  their 
measure  of  distances.  Though  this  is  comparatively  a  new  proposi- 
tion, and  one  that  but  very  few  minds  think  a  possibility,  it  neverthe- 
less is  just  as  possible  and  just  as  essential — and  more  so — as  all  other 
absolute  and  arbitrary  standards  are,  that  have  been  invented  to  give 
regularity  and  stability  in  their  respective  spheres  of  use. 

Tins  currency — this  money — should  be  made  convertible  into  a 
United  States  Bond,  which  should  bear  such  a  rate  of  interest — sar 
13 


19-1  PAPERS    OX    FINANCE    AND    COMMERCE. 

four  per  cent — as  experience  has  or  should  demonstrate  to  be  the  true 
point  of  balance  ;  and  the  bond  should  also  be  convertible  into  the  cur- 
rency at  the  option  of  the  holder.  The  rate  of  interest  should  be  open 
to  readjustment  every  ten  years,  when  the  estimates  for  the  currency 
are  made.  Thus  it  would  come  that  whenever  there  should  be  so 
much  currency  in  circulation  that  it  would  be  worth  less  than  four  per 
cent,  for  business  uses,  the  surplus  would  immediately  be  converted 
into  four  per  cent  bonds  ;  and  whenever  money  for  business  should  be 
worth  more  than  four  per  cent,  the  bonds  would  be  converted  into  the 
currency  in  just  sufficient  quantities  to  meet  the  demand  and  to  restore 
the  equilibrium. 

It  will  be  readily  seen  how  perfectly  this  meets  all  the  require 
ments  of  money,  and  how  perfectly  all  the  irregularities  of  demand  and 
supply  are  met  by  it.  Thus,  when  business  is  dull,  and  but  little 
money  is  required,  it  (the  surplus)  will  be  in  bonds  drawing  four  per 
cent  interest ;  the  moment  business  revives,  the  bonds  will  be  at  once 
converted,  and  the  currency  wrill  meet  the  demand,  and  thus  the  con- 
stant conversion  of  the  one  into  the  other  will  regulate  and  maintain 
the  equilibrium  that  all  previous  systems  of  money  have  so  signally 
failed  to  do. 

In  our  next  the  advantages  of  such  a  system  will  be  still  further 
considered  and  expounded,  so  that  every  one  -may  be  able  to  compre 
hend  that  a  money  system  is  possible  of  invention,  upon  which  foreign 
bankers  can  not  play  th,eir  long-practiced  games  to  any  further  one-sided 
advantage. 

NEW  YORK,  Oct.  11,  1870.    . 


PA  PEES     ON    FINANCE     AND     COMMERCE. 


The  advantages  of  a  currency  which,  instead  of  possessing  the  ca- 
pacity of  redeemability,  is  at  all  times  convertible  into  something  that 


PAPERS   ON    FINANCE   AND   COMMERCE. 

is  itself  productive,  cannot  fail  to  be  appreciated  by  all  who  have  given 
any  attention  to  the  science  of  money.  Theories  regarding  this  branch 
of  social  science  have  been  about  as  destructive  to  the  proper  develop- 
ment and  understanding  of  the  science  as  religious  theories  have  been 
to  that  of  a  proper  appreciation  of  the  functions  and  the  benefits  of  reli- 
gion. The  last  have  at  all  times  stood  in  the  path  of  progress.  So,  too, 
have  the  first.  And  for  this  reason  are  we  to-day  almost  at  the  mercy 
of  those  who  are  possessed  of  the  accumulated  wealth  of  the  world, 
which  in  combination  would  be  a  power  sufficient  to  control  all  gov- 
ernment in  its  interests,  and  thus  it  would  be  enabled  to  bring  the 
world  again  under  a  despotism  to  which  that  of  past  despotism  would 
hold  no  comparison. 

In  such  a  money  system  too  much  circulating  medium  could  never 
be  uttered,  for  the  moment  a  surplus  quantity  over  the  demands  of  le- 
gitimate business  was  in  circulation,  that  moment  it  would  begin  to  be 
converted  into  the  four  per  cent,  bonds  ;  so  that  if  there  were  two  thou- 
sand millions  uttered,  it  would  always  be  worth  just  four  per  cent.  ; 
and  if  there  were  but  live  hundred  millions  uttered,  it  would  never  be 
worth  any  more  than  four  per  cent.  Thus  it  is  plainly  to  be  seen  that 
the  government  would  always  be  necessitated  to  provide  just  as  near 
the  amount  of  circulating  medium  demanded  as  it  would  be  possible  to 
arrive  at,  and  no  more  ;  'for  on  any  such  surplus  it  would,  as  a  matter  of 
course,  be  obliged  to  pay  the  interest  provided,  which  thus  becomes  the 
absolute  measure  of  value  that  money  requires  to  make  it  substantial, 
and  which  is  required  to  deprive  it  of  that  capacity  for  producing  great 
commercial  inflations,  which,  in  the  financial  history  of  this  country, 
develop. and  burst  about  every  second  decade,  and  which  produce  not 
only  the  complete  destruction  of  all  purely  speculative  enterprises,  but 
also  the  most  wide-spread  and  fearful  demoralization  in  all  legitimate 
busines.3. 

Under  such  a  money  system,  speculation,  with  all  its  accompanying 
demoralization,  would  rapidly  depart  from  all  classes  of  society.  It  is. 
a  notorious,  yet  unappreciated  fact,  that  speculative  enterprises  lie  at 
the  foundation  of  all  financial  disorder,  for  which,  if  a  remedy  can  be 
provided,  the  very  considerable  talent  and  time  which  is  now  devoted 
to  it  would  be  turned  into  channels  of  general  usefulness  and  produc- 
tiveness. Production  is  the  foundation  of  all  wealth,  and,  consequently, 
to  increase  wealth,  production  must  be  increased.  Speculation  is  that, 
spirit  which  constantly  saps  the  vitality  of  wealth,  and,  therefore,  society- 
has  no  greater  nor  more  debasing  enemy  than  speculation. 


196  PAPERS   ONT    FINANCE   AND    COMMERCE. 

It  may  be  objected  to  by  some  that  speculation  leads  to  national  de- 
velopment ;  that  in  many  of  the  wild  railroad,  emigration,  city  and 
other  schemes,  that  have  been  projected  and  carried  through  under  it* 
stimulus,  the  welfare  of  the  country  has  been  subserved.  To  this  in- 
genious objection  it  may  be  answered  that,  under  a  sound  financial  sys- 
tem, these  enterprises  would-  have  been  undertaken  everywhere  when 
the  demands  of  the  country  warranted  them,  and  because  there  was  a 
demand  for  them,  instead  of  for  the  pure  purposes  of  individual  or  cor- 
porate speculation.  One  of  the  best  results  that  would  flow  from  this 
change  of  incentive  would  be,  that  no  "  Bubbles  "  could  be  palmed  off 
on  the  unwary  by  "  flash  "  advertising,  which  would  burst  at  some 
future  time,  to  the  destruction  of  some  deluded  victims  of  unscrupulous 
financiers. 

It  is  one  of  the  most  fatal  of  commercial  errors  to  suppose  that 
large  general  prices  are  an  evidence  of  prosperity.  On  the  contrary,  it 
is  true  that  when  the  prices  affixed  to  any  kind  of  property  are  larger 
than  its  real  capacity  for  production,  it  is  an  expansion  which  must  at 
some  time  collapse,  to  the  detriment  of  the  holder.  Thus,  whenever 
property  is  valued  at  such  a  price  that  it  cannot  be  used  to  pay  a  cer- 
tain per  cent  income,  its  value  is  expanded,  and  though  this  expansion 
may  continue  under  the  pressure  of  a  so-called  prosperity,  and  become 
general,  even  country- wide,  if  the  general  productive  capacity  of  the 
country  cannot  sustain  this  increased  value,  collapse  must  as  surely 
come  as  results  follow  causes.  Even  in  this  demonstration  it  is  conclu- 
sively shown  that  the  productive  capacity  of  the  country  is  the  real 
measure  of  value,  and  that,  finally,  no  matter  how  irrelevant  the  pro- 
cess of  wealth  and  prices  may  have  been  to  it,  it  is  tfie  power  which  ulti- 
mately measures  all  values. 

This  appears  to  us  such  a  plain  proposition  that  it  seems  almost 
superfluous  to  present  further  arguments  to  prove  the  desirability  of  at 
once  proceeding  to  make  the  productive  capacity  of  the  country  the 
basis  of  value  upon  which  to  issue  a  currency  to  meet  the  legitimate 
demands  of  the  people  for  the  purposes  of  exchange.  The  attention 
of  all  who  realize  the  unstableness  of  our  present  system,  and  the  de- 
sirableness of  providing  against  the  tremendous  fluctuations  it  is  capa- 
ble of,  is  called  to  the  necessity  of  uniting  to  bring  this  matter  promi- 
nently before  the  NEXT  CONGRESS,  with  the  view  of  having  it  thus 
brought  prominently  before  the  country,  and  of  having  it  thoroughly 
analyzed  and  understood.  When  analyzed  and  compreheftded,  the  idea 


PAPERS    OK   FINANCE   AND   COMMERCE.  197 

of  a  gold  basis  will  forever  depart  from  all  progressive  minds,  and  the 
impetus  the  new  money  system  will  thereby  receive  will  never  be 
checked  until  its  science  is  developed  into  general  national  practice. 

NEW  YORK,  Oct.  27,  1870. 


PAPERS     ON     FINANCE     AND    COMMERCE. 


NO.    XI. 

In  our  last,  the  necessity  of  urging  the  consideration  of  the  finance 
question  upon  Congress,  with  the  view  of  having  the  whole  range  of  the 
matter  brought  prominently  before  the  country,  was  proposed.  Of  all 
practical  questions  that  require  immediate  solution,  none  is  of  so  much 
importance  to  man  as  this ;  and  none  more  so  to  woman  unless  that  of 
equality  for  herself  is.  No  country  can  enjoy  a  series  of  years  of  unin- 
terrupted commercial  prosperity  when  that  country  has  a  circulating* 
medium  which  can  be  affected  by  the  manipulations  of  shrewd  financiers 
for  their  own  ends.  And  no  financial  policy  is  more  ruinous  to  the 
true  interests  of  a  whole  country  than  that  of  a  constantly  changing  com- 
mercial valuation  upon  cither  personal  or  real  estate,  excepting  alone  in 
the  latter,  when  it  becomes  the  location  of  more  capacity  for  actual  pro- 
duction. 

Real  estate,  abstractly  considered,  has  no  appreciable  value.  It 
only  becomes  relatively  valuable  when  labor  can  make  use  of  it  to  pro- 
duce something  valuable  from  it  or  by  it.  Absolutely  there  can  be  iu> 
individual  title  to  any  part  of  the  soil  of  any  country.  Taken  as  a 
whole,  the  land  comprised  within  the  limits  of  the  authority  of  any 
government  can  be  made  such  use  of  as  such  government  may  deter- 
mine, but  as  to  actual  conveyance  of  absolute  individual,  ownership, 
that  is  impossible,  because  none  of  the  powers  involved  in  the  attempt 
at  conveyance  could  have  had  any  part  in  the  production  of  said  land, 
and,  thereforer  could  have  no  right  or  authority  to  transfer  it,  from  the 
fact  of  an  entire  lack  of  title  to  transfer- 


198  PAPERS   ON   FINANCE   AND   COMMERCE. 

It  may  be  objected  that  these  are  merely  technical  assumptions 
which  the  customs  of  society  have  never  admitted.  So,  too,  may  it  be 
objected  to  all  encroachments  of  scientific  principles  upon  old  forms 
and  customs.  Nevertheless,  science  continues  to  analyze  and  demon- 
strate, and  the  world  continues  to  come  more  and  more  under  its  guid- 
ance every  year.  In  the  principles  of  government  science  has  not, 
until  very  recently,  found  grounds  of  attack.  Since  it  has  come  to  be 
recognized  that  there  really  is  a  science  of  society,  and  consequently 
that  all  its  structure  can  be  analyzed,  understood  and  guided  by  its  de- 
ductions many  of  the  customs  and  practices  that  have  so  long  controlled 
the  people  are  found  to  be  entirely  without  the  support  of  principles 
fundamentally  necessary  to  assure  a  permanently  constructive  form  of 
society. 

Wherever  maxims  of  temporary  policy  are  the  guiding  rules,  there 
will  ever  be  alternate  construction  and  destruction  ;  but  wherever  scien- 
tific, demonstrable  principles  are  the  governing  power,  there  will  be 
found  permanency.  That  "  money  "  is  susceptible  of  analysis,  and  of 
being  predicated  upon  a  scientific  basis  is  no  longer  to  be  questioned. 
It  is  a  branch  of  the  science  of  society,  and  as  such  must  receive  con- 
sideration as  the  science  itself  becomes  disseminated  among  the  peoples. 
It  was  not  many  years  ago  that  "  the  sciences ''  were  unknown  in  our 
common  schools.  It  will  not  be  many  years  hence  until  the  science  of 
society  will  be  a  recognized  branch  of  every  child's  education  in  the 
most  enlightened  portions  of  the  world.  Political  economy,  which  is  a 
branch  of  social  science,  is  regarded  with  favor  by  many  now,  and,  com- 
prehensively speaking,  all  these  questions  which  have  been  looked  upon 
as  "  too  abstract "  for  common  comprehension,  are  found  to  be  the  real 
principles  which  underlie  all  social  strictures. 

First  in  importance,  because  it  leads  to  the  recognition  of  the  "  ul- 
timate condition,"  is  the  question  of  intercourse  between  the  peoples  of 
the  earth.  Money,  as  the  means  of  bringing  about  this  intercourse, 
should  receive  primary  consideration.  Let  the  fact  once  be  generally 
recognized  that  the  world  is  at  last  tending  to  "  a  unity  of  the  peoples," 
and  financial  and  commercial  unity  are  the  introductory  unities  upon 
which  to  hasten  governmental  unity.  Were  these  fully  established 
upon  a  basis  of  mutual  interest  instead  of  upon  the  policy  of  each  ob- 
taining all  the  personal  and  selfish  advantages  possible,  there  could  no 
such  strifes  as  the  one  convulsing  Europe  to-day  ever  occur.  Thus  it 
appears  that  the  assimilation  of  the  world  under  one  common  interest 


TAPERS    ON    FINANCE    AND    COMMERCE.  199 

is  in  the  lirst  instance  a  question  of  a  unity  of  material  interests  which 
must  serve  as  the  foundation  for  all  others  to  build  upon. 

Finance  and  commerce,  then,  lie  at  the  very  threshold  of  all  the 
progress  that  is  to  be  made  in  the  direction  of  governmental  consolida- 
tion, and  when  so  recognized  they  will  be  rescued  from  the  position  that 
they  now  occupy  as  the  means  only  of  pursuing  selfish  interests,  and  be 
raised  into  that  of  principles  and  rules  of  action  by  which  all  intercourse 
must  be  regulated.  Commerce,  in  its  most  comprehensive  sense,  does 
not  apply  merely  to  the  exchange  of  the  material  products  of  the  world, 
but  to  the  exchange  of  intellectual,  moral, .social  and  religious  products 
also,  and  its  application  thereby  becomes  common  to  all  the  interests 
of  humanity.  And  as  finance  grows  out  of  the  necessities  of  commerce, 
it  also  becomes  equally  with  commerce  a  humanitarian  question.  It  is 
in  this  broad  and  general  sense  that  all  questions  regarding  it  should 
hereafter  be  considered  and  not  upon  the  basis  of  how  much  advantage 
such  a  measure  will  give  an  individual  or  a  nation  over  another  indi- 
vidual or  nation. 

Like  all  other  questions  that  are  now  coming  prominently  before 
the  world  for  solution,,  this  one  of  finance  and  commerce  rises  to-  the 
dignity  of  a  question  of  humanity.  They  are  all  to  be  considered  in 
regard  to  their  application,  not  merely  to  nations,  but  to  all  nations — 
all  peoples — as  forming  the  basis  of  the  future  confederation  of  the 
world  under  one  government  to  be  known  as  the  United  States  of  the 
World,  when  all  the  people  will  be  inspired  with  a  common  Religious 
sentiment  in  regard  to  their  primary  origin  and  their  ultimate  destiny ; 
when  all  the  peoples  will  be  governed  in  their  relation  to  each  other  by 
the  common  social  sentiment  arising  from  the  recognition  of  the  fact 
that  they  are  necessarily  a  community  of  brothers  from  having  a  com- 
mon origin  and  destiny  ;  when  all  the  peoples  will  give  a  common  adhe- 
sion to  and  support  the  deductions  of  a  Universal  Science,  let  those  deduc- 
tions militate  as  they  will  and  must  against  whatever  of  speculation  and 
theory  there  may  still  hang  like  a  pall  of  night  over  the  intellect  of 
man.  To .  all  of  these  ultimate  conditions  of  mankind,  finance  and 
commerce  must  furnish  the  means  of  attainment ;  and  being  thus  the 
first  essentials  to  the  beginning  of  the  actual  constructive  process  which, 
when  completed,  will  be  this  grand  consummation,  they  should  be 
treated  with  that  gravity  and  consideration  which  is  due  to  so  grand  a 
position  as  they  are  assigned  in  the  third  order  of  general  civilization. 
Policy  should  be  entirely  discarded  from  all  place  in  the  argument,  and 
principles  should  alone  be  discussed.  When  the  consideration  is  fairly 


200  PAPERS   OX   FIXAXCE   AXD   COMMERCE. 

begun  npon  this  basis,  scientific  ideas  regarding  money  will  be  rapidly 
diffused  among  the  people,  who  now  do  not  even  dream  that  money 
can  be  reduced  to  the  rules  of  scientific  demonstration. 

We  urge  again  that  this  question  should  receive  its  proper  share 
of  attention  at  the  hands  of  our  next  Congress  as  being  the  questions 
upon  which  the  future  good  of  mankind  depends  more  immediately 
than  any  other  that  will  be  likely  to  command  the  undivided  attention 
of  it.  This  once  settled  upon  the  true  principles,  all  other  questions 
which  all  future  Congresses  will  have  to  consider  will  be  virtually  de- 
termined by  it 

\ 
YORK,  Nov.  4,  1870. 


PAPERS    ON    FINANCE    AND    COMMERCE. 


NO.   XIL 

In  the  treatment  of  these  subjects  in  the  general  sense  in  which 
they  become  important  to  all  the  people  the  range  is  very  much  ex- 
tended beyond  that  commonly  compassed  by  those  whose  interest 
compels  them  to  temporary  considerations  for  the  promoting  of  imme- 
diate interests  under  the  systems  in  vogue.  All  such  kind  of  treatment 
deals  with  effects,  and  would  never  remedy  an  existing  want,  nor  cor- 
rect illegitimate  practices.  If  there  are  wants  in  existing  systems,  and 
if  there  are  illegitimate  practices  which  are  possible  under  them,  there 
is  but  one  way  to  supply  the  one  or  to  correct  the  other,  and  that  is  to 
go  to  the  root  of  the  matter  where  the  causes  exist  which  make  these 
possible. 

In  this  series  of  articles  it  has  been  the  endeavor  to  point  out  some 
of  the  most  prominent  evidences  that  our  financial  system  was  unsound, 
and  also  to  show,  by  as  strict  an  analysis  as  was  possible  in  the  space 
allotted,  what  the  true  basis  for  a  sound  financial  system  was,  and  where 


PAPERS   OX   FINANCE   AND   COMMERCE.  201 

.it  was  to  be  found,  and,  having  done  this,  such  methods  of  administra- 
tion were  hinted  at  as  would  reducs  the  system,  when  put  into  opera- 
tion, to  a  permanent  and  fixed  measure  of  all  values,  which  it  was 
.argued  was  equally  as  necessary  when  value  is  to  be  measured  as  the 
same  fixedness  is  when  any  other  quantity  is  to  be  measured. 

It  has  been  suggested  by  some  that,  in  presenting  our  statements 
in  the  terse,  undiluted  manner  we  have,  that  those  who  have  not  been 
habitual  thinkers  upon  this  subject  might  fail  to  catch  the  full  applica- 
tion of  the  propositions,  and  by  so  failing  consider  the  system  impracti- 
cable. To  obviate  such  objections  we  shall,  by  further  treatment  of 
obscure  points,  attempt  to  make  them  plain  to  all  who  can  understand 
the  English  language. 

First,  a  brief  re-statement  and  condensation  of  the  entire  outline : 
Money,  being  an  invention  to  facilitate  the  exchanges  of  the  products 
of  labor,  it  should  be  formulated  with  direct  reference  to  the  conditions 
which  made  the  invention  necessary,  out  of  which  it  should  naturally 
.grow  ;  and  also  with  direct  regard  as  to  how  the  invention  should  best 
meet  the  required  case — that  is,  the  invention  should  be  adapted  to  the 
conditions,  instead  of  making  an  invention  without  regard  to  the  condi- 
tions, and  then  attempting  to  force  the  conditions  to  comply  with  the 
capacity  of  the  invention. 

This  is  a  point  which  should  be  thoroughly  comprehended,  for  in 
it  lies  the  whole  fault  of  making  gold  a  measure  of  value,  and  we 
therefore  shall  attempt  to  offer  a  common  illustration  directly  in  point. 

Let  it  be  supposed  that  there  is  a  stream  which,  to  accommodate 
travel,  requires,  to  be  bridged,  and  that  the  bridge  has  to  be  constructed 
and  moved  to  the  stream.  The  first  procedure  would  be  to  determine 
just  how  long  the  bridge  must  be  to  span  the  stream.  It  would  then 
be  constructed  and  moved  to  the  stream,  which  it  of  course  would  span. 
But  suppose  persons  knowing  there  was  a  stream  to  be  crossed,  but  not 
knowing  its  breadth,  had  gone  to  work  and  constructed  the  bridge  and 
then  had  attempted  Jo  compel  it,  when  too  short,  to  extend  across  the 
stream.  This  would  have  been  a  casevof  attempting  to  compel  the  con- 
ditions for  which  the  invention  was  made  to  accommodate  themselves 
to  the  invention.  And  this  has  been  just  what  the  world  has  been  all 
this  time  doing  in  attempting  to  compel  the  conditions  for  which  money 
was  invented  to  accommodate  themselves  to  the  possibilities  of  gold, 
which  was  invented  as  money  without  any  reference  being  had  to  the 
functions  it  was  to  perform,  or  to  the  conditions  it  was  required  to  meet. 


202  PAPERS   ON    FINANCE   AND    COMMERCE. 

It  would  be  just  as  reasonable  and  just  as  sensible  to  attempt  to 
compel  a  house  to  perform  the  functions  of  a  bridge  as  it  is  to  attempt 
to  compel  gold  to  perform  the  functions  of  money,  for  gold  is  not  nor 
cannot  ever  be  made  to  meet  the  requirements  for  which  money  is  de- 
manded ;  whereas,  money  should  be  of  such,  character  as  to  fully  meet 
the  requirements  for  which  it  is  used,  but  should  not  be  possessed  of 
any  qualities  that  would  render  it  useful  for  any  other  purpose  whatever, 
so.  that  there  could  be  no  possibility  of  its  ever  being  used  for  any 
other  purposes,  which  impossibility  would  forever  make  speculation 
impossible. 

It  is  believed  that  we  have  made  clear  the  purposes  for  which  money 
is  required  and  also  clear  that  it  is  utterly  futile  to  attempt  to  compel 
any  invention  to  meet  those  requirements  where  it  is  not  formulated  for 
the  express  purpose.  We  have  heretofore  shown  that  gold  is  a  purely 
arbitrary  standard  which  has  no  scientific  relations  whatever  to  the  pro- 
duct of  labor  which  it  is  required  to  measure,  but  that  it  is  itself  a, 
product,  and  as  suck  requires  to  be  measured.  A  gallon  of  molasses- 
would  never  be  thought  of  as  a  measure  of  distance,  but  it  would  be 
just  as  reasonable  to  expect  it  to  measure  it  as  it  is  to  expect  a  certain 
quantity  of  gold  to  measure  the  value  of  a  horse.  A  horse  may  be  ex- 
changed for  a  certain  amount  of  gold.  So,  too,  may  a  horse  be 
exchanged  for  a  certain  amount  of  wheat,  but  that  process  does  not 
make  either  the  horse  or  the  wheat  money.  Money  is  that  which  can 
equally  represent  the  wheat,  the  horse  and  the  gold ;  and  anything  that 
cannot  do  this  is  not  money. 

Hence  it  is  seen  that  every  step  we  take  in  examing  the  true  bear- 
ings of  the  money  question  brings  us  nearer  and  clearer  to  the  propo- 
sition already  made — that  the  capacity  for  production  is  the  true  basis 
of  value. 

NEW  YORK.  Nov.  11,  1870 


PAPERS  ON  FINANCE  AND  COMMERCE, 


NO.    XIII. 


We  are  perfectly  aware  of  the  very  many  objections  which  arise 
in  the  minds  of  the  people  to  such  a  currency  as  has  been  proposed,  but 


PAPERS  ON  FINANCE  AND  COMMERCE.  203 

the  thoughtless  one  of  "What!  an  irredeemable  paper  money!  Oh, 
no!  that  will  never  do;  that  means  utter  repudiation,"  which  is  the 
most  commonly  made,  scarcely  merits  attention.  Will  those,  who  so 
-earnestly  place  themselves  in  opposition  to  a  convertible  currency, 
stop  and  consider  for  just  one  moment.  What  is  the  ten-dollar  gold 
piece  you  have  just  received  for  a  ten-dollar  note  good  for?  Will  it 
feed  or  clothe  you  ?  or  will  it  directly  minister  to  any  of  your  needs  or 
to  these  of  any  of  your  family?  Directly,  it  will  do  none  of  these 
things  for  you  ;  but  you  can  have  it  really  redeemed  by  something  that  will 
feed,  clothe  and  minister  to  all  your  requirements.  You  will  thus 
perceive  that  you  have  been  and  still  are  laboring  under  a  foolish  de- 
lusion regarding  this  precious  metal,  for  you  have  all  the  time  been 
getting  your  paper  money  redeemed  by  your  gold  money,  which  you 
finally  are  obliged  to  redeem  by  that  which  is  really  valuable — that 
which  it  takes  to  maintain  life  and  make  it  desirable. 

Now,  you  know  very  well  that  the  gold  there  is  in  the  world  can- 
not redeem  or  represent  the  values  of  the  world.  Were  it  a  thousand 
times  as  valuable  as  it  really  is — that  is  to  say,  could  the  consent  of  the 
world  be  obtained  to  making  the  amount  of  gold  which  now  represents 
one  dollar  to  represent  a  thousand  dollars — there  would  be  a  possibility 
ot  the  gold  in  existence  representing  tjie  value  of  the  world  ;  but  as  no  such 
result  as  this  is  anticipated,  it  is  in  vain  for  you  to  cling  to  any  such 
mythological  and  speculative  theory. 

Again  :  What  terrible  outrage  would  your  conscience  sustain  if  you 
would  give  a  little  calmer  consideration  to  a  proposition  which  you 
have  always  heretofore  rejected  without  thought  With  your  gold  you 
have  been  able  to  obtain  that  which  you  required  to  sustain  and  make 
life  agreeable.  These  necessities,  then,  are  the  really  valuable  things 
of  the  world.  What  objection,  then,  can  you  make  that  can  have  the 
sanction,  even  of  your  own  reason,  to  at  once  admitting  that  these  are 
the  only  real  values  the  world  contains,  and  consequently— because 
legitimately — that  whatever  is  money  must  be  a  representative  of  these 
valuables :  and  also  and  further,  that  anything  bearing  the  name  of 
money,  which  does  not  justly  and  fully  represent  the  sum  total  of  these, 
is  not  money  in  the  true  sense  of  that  term. 

Again :  Money  may  be  considered  the  negative  pole  of  the  battery 
of  value.  To  all  things  there  are  two  extremes  and  a  mean,  the  evi- 
dence of  perfection  being  that  there  is  always  an  equilibrium  sustained 
between  the  extremes  through  the  medium  of  the  mean.  Products  are 
positive  existences  which  go  forth  to  administer  to  the  demands  of 


20-i  PAPERS   ON   FINANCE   AND   COMMERCE. 

human  nature,  and  expend  themselves  in  the  negative  returning  forcer 
money ;  which,  in  being  brought  back  to  the  point  which  it  represents,, 
becomes  a  positive  power  itself,  having  the  capacity  to  obtain  labor 
which  restores  what  has  been  expended,  and  thus  the  circuit  is  com- 
plete and  nothing  is  lost ;  the  same  products  exist  and  the  same  repre- 
sentation of  them  also  exists.  If,  perchance  the  return  of  the  products- 
is  not  always  immediately  made,  the  power  to  return  them  is  never  lost,, 
though  that  may  be  in  a  thousand  years. 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  by  all,  if  they  will  but  give  the  necessary  at- 
tention, that  the  proposed  currency  which  shall  be  representative  of  the 
products  of  labor  is  not  only  the  only  natural  money  there  can  be,  but 
that  it  can  never  appreciate  nor  depreciate,  because  every  twelve  months, 
it  is  worth  just  one  twenty-fifth  part  of  itself — for  it  is  believed  that  this. 
per  cent  of  increase  is  the  true  balance  between  accumulation  and  pro- 
duction ;  if,  011  trial,  this  balance  should  be  found  too  small,  or  too  much 
in  favor  of  production,  it  would  be  increased  ;  and  if  found  too  large,  or 
too  much  in  favor  of  accumulation  it  could  be  reduced.  This  must  be 
a  subject  of  test,  and  when  tested,  legislation  can  increase  or  decrease 
the  standard  of  value  by  making  the  "  measure "  larger  or  smaller, 
just  the  same  as  it  does  other  "measures." 

We  believe  that  the  inauguration  of  such  a  money  system  would 
be  the  beginning  of  the  "leveling  down  and  the  leveling  up '  of  the 
capitalist  and  the  laborer,  and  that  such  a  thing  as  practical  equality 
will  be  impossible  under  any  less  radical  and  comprehensive  change 
from  present  systems.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  that  large  proportion  of 
the  whole  people  which  is  represented  by  the  classes  that  desire  to  be 
"levelled  up/'  will  give  this  most  serious  matter  their  most  serious  at- 
tention. We  are  aware  that  it  is  a  subject  but  little  understood,  and 
that  the  prejudice  of  the  people  is  in  favor  of  the  money  god,  gold.  But, 
as  in  religion,  so  will  it  be  in  money  ;  when  reason  and  common  sense 
are  admitted  to  the  debate,  mythologic  spectres  and  theoretic  fancies 
will  begin  to  assume  their  true  shapes,  and  the  realities  to  arise  from  the 
depths  in  which  they  have  been  confined. 

NEW  YORK  Nov.  25,  1870. 


BASIS  OF  PHYSICAL  LIFE. 


THE    UNITY   OF   LIFE,    POWER   AND    MOTION. 

I  beg  to  present  the  following  as  the  foundation  for  a  series  of 
articles  which  it  is  proposed  to  present  in  due  time.  At  first  glance  it 
ma  y  he  deemed  too  abstract  for  the  purpose  in  view,  but  it  must  be 
remembered  that  all  action  is  primarily  derived  from  a  common  basis 
of  life,  and  that  it  is  from  tin's  basis  all  action  must  spring,  because 
general  principles  only  are  deducible  from  it : 

"  In  the  beginning  wag  the  Word,  and  the  Word  was  witli  God, 
and  the  Word  was  God."  Although  human  conception  cannot  trace 
existence  back  to  the  time  when  "the  Word  was  God,"  the  proposi- 
tion is  ono  which  consciousness  can  accept  without  analysis,  and  define 
and  understand  as  the  Absolute  in  its  broadest  sense ;  but,  when  in- 
vested with  the  infinitude  of  phenomena  and  facts,  the  mind  loses  itself 
and  gives  way  beneath  the  universal  evidence  that  life,  power  and  mo- 
tion form  a  unit  Accepting,  then,  this  proposition,  without  attempting 
to  solve  it,  a  basis  is  found  from  which  to  reason,  and  which  we  could 
not  have  discovered  by  reasoning  backward  from  effects.  God  was  in 
the  beginning:  the  beginning  was  God.  Acknowledging  this,  the 
mind  cannot  conceive  of  aught  else  existing  in  the  beginning.  He 
was  the  Supreme  Whole,  the  .great  Central  Heart,  from  and  by  which 
all  things  were  to  come.  This  truth  should  be  fully  accepted,  for  from 
it  can  be  shown  that  the  facts  of  the  present  are  the  legitimate  outgrowth 
ol  this  complete  Oneness. 

All  nations  have  had  a  god  or  gods,  though  no  two  of  them  have 
been  identical.  Nor  has  the  conception  of  a  god  remained  unchanged 
with  any  people  for  any  great  length  of  time.  Were  each  person  to 


206  BASIS  OF    PHYSICAL   LIFE. 

define  his  idea  of  a  god,  there  would  be  nearly  as  many  different  ideals 
as  there  are  individuals  in  the  nation,  thus  showing  that  all  knowledge 
is  relative  or  symbolic.  As  there  can  be  but  one  god  conceived  of  un- 
der our  proposition,  the  question  arises  how  so  many  can  be  held  up 
before  the  Christian  world,  and  each  claimed  to  be  u  the  only  true  god." 
In  the  solution  of  this  will  be  found  the  chief  burden  which  ignorance 
and  superstition  use  to  load  the  mind  with  their  absurdities.  Freed  from 
this  burden,  the  mind  would  form  a  true  conception  of  the  unity  in 
diversity  of  nature,  and  recognize  (rod  as  infinite  and  eternal.  It  will 
be  readily  admitted  that  God  is  indestructible.  So,  too,  is  matter. 
Then  we  have  from  the  beginning  two  indestructibles — or,  at  least,  for 
the  present,  it. must  be  assumed  they  are  two — God  and  Nature,  Spirit 
and  Matter,  or  Power  and  Resistance.  These  embrace  "  the  "Whole," 
from  which  nothing  could  have  been  taken  away  or  added  thereto.  As 
God,  therefore,  was  All  in  All  at  the  beginning,  so  he  must  ever  re- 
main the  same ;  and  this  is  true  also  of  Nature. 

Reasoning  thus  from  this  basis  it  must  be  found  that  every  power 
has  its  origin  in  the  first  power — God,  the  mainspring  of  all  action. 
Life,  then,  may  be  said  to  be  motion  making  itself  manifest  under  the 
influence  of  power — to  what  ?  It  may  be  difficult  for  the  mind  to  ac- 
cept so  broad  an  application  of  this  all-pervading  power,  but  it  con- 
fesses it  without  comprehending  it  whenever  it  declares  that  God  is 
omnipotent  and  omnipresent  The  world  little  thinks  of  the  extent  of 
such  an  assertion,  for  it  breaks  down  all  the  Christian  ideas  of  that  an- 
tagonism known  as  the  Powers  of  the  Devil;  it  banishes  the  possibility 
of  creation  proving  a  partial  failure  and  enables  the  soul  to  recognize 
an  ever-present,  all-pervading,  though  inscrutable  God. 

It  may  then  be  asked,  Is  God  omnipotent  ?  If  believers  in  an 
incarnation  of  Evil  answer  yes,  what  becomes  of  the  foundation  for 
-such  a  belief?  If  no,  what  becomes  of  their  God?  If  He  bo  omnipo- 
tent, He  must  be  not  only  the  source  of  all  power,  but  All  Power.  To 
assert  otherwise  is  to  declare  that  there  are  two  infinites — an  assertion 
which  contains  its  own  refutation.  While  the  mind*can  conceive  that 
God  is  All  in  All,  it  cannot  at  the  same  time  conceive  that  IIo  is  not 
All  in  All,  or  that  the  Devil  is  a  part  of  the  All  in  All,  in  opposition 

and  contradistinction  to  God.     Those,  therefore,  who  believe  that  God 

.          .  ' 

is  All  in  All.  a-id  also  believe  in  a  Devil,  believe  an  impossibility,  for 

two  persons  <>.•;>  :i  •-.-;  cannot  be  the  same,  or  occupy  the  same  place  at 
the  same  time.  The  absurdity,  then,  of  the  divisibility  of  the  Supreme 
Power  bee  :>mes  at  once  apparent.  The  argument  is  of  importance  ag 


BASIS    OF    PHYSICAL    LIFE.  207 

it  furnishes  a  "well-defined  basis,  which  meets  every  difficulty  and 
arrays  it  in  support  of  the  unity  of  all  things  and  the  supremacy  of 
God. 

The  question,  what  and  where  is  God  ?  has  been  often  asked ;  but 
the  various  attempts  to  answer  the  unanswerable,  have(only  given  the 
unreflecting  mind  another's  idea  instead  of  a  just  and  comprehensive 
conception  of  God's  complete  existence.  In  reasoning  on  so  important 
an  inquiry,  the  mind  should  soar  above  principles  and  ideas,  and  in 
one  vast  grasp  say  that  God  is  the  whole.  Where-  is  God  ?  He  is 
everywhere.  In  this  answer  we  have  no  clearer  solution  of  the  query 
than  we  have  when  we  say  God  is  incomprehensible  to  the  human 
mind  ;  still  the  form  is  such  as  the  mind  can  use  in  measuring  its  rela- 
tive parts. 

From  the  Great  First  Cause,  and  from  it  alone,  has  come  the  pres- 
ent in  all  its  beauty  and  variety,  material  and  spiritual.  Though  the 
effects  may  continue  to  increase  in  number  throughout  an  infinite  future, 
the  sum  of  them  can  never  amount  to  the  First  Cause.  God  must  and 
will  forever  remain  superior  to  all  the  effects  of  the  workings  of  this 
power. 

The  material  universe,  science  tells  us,  is  composed  of  some 
sixty -four  or  more  elementary  parts.  An  element  cannot  be  resolved 
into  two  or  more  different  substances.  These  elements  combine  under 
certain  conditions  and  in  certain  proportions  with  each  other  to  form 
compounds  differing  materially  from  their  component  parts.  Every- 
thing we  see  in  nature  is  formed  of  these  elementary  materials  ;  yet, 
extensive  as  these  compounds  are,  they  are  fashioned  according  to 
universal  and  unchangeable  laws.  While  the  existence  of  any  of  the 
elements  uncombined  is  rare,  their  combinations  fill  all  space,  and  are 
co-extensive  with  the  Divine  Spirit  Spirit  and  Matter — God  and  Na- 
ture, seem,  therefore,  to  be  forever  united. 

But  how  have  all  these  things  come?  What  is  this  inexhaustible 
power  everywhere  manifested,  and  what  the  laws  governing  its  appli- 
cation ?  Go  back  to  the  time  when  no  compound  bodies  existed  on 
this  planet,  and  what  was  there  ?  God  was  there  in  all  his  absolute- 
ness, all  his  infinity.  All  the  elements  of  matter  were  there  in  the 
same  proportions  and  quantities  as  now  exist,  but  uncombined.  In 
an  abstract  sense,  an  element  is  a  unit  mass,  without  life,  power  or 
motion.  What  constitutes  it  an  existence,  gives  it  life,  power  and 
motion,  and  the  capacity  of  combining  with  other  diverse  existences  ? 
We  cannot  conceive  of  matter,  even  i:i  i!s  simplest  form,  as  devoid  of 


208  BASIS    OF    PIIVSICAL    LIFE. 

> 

all  active  life  principles,  for  that  would  be  to  conceive  a  place,  occupied 
by  matter,  where  God  is  not.  Each  element,  therefore,  contains  its  por- 
tion of  the  Eternal  Spirit,  without  which  it  would  not  even  be  a  sub- 
stance, but  with  which  it  can  unite  with  other  similarly  endowed 
simples.  It  seems  impossible  not  to  conclude,  then,  that  the  life,  power 
and  motion  found  in  all  matarial  substances,  is  that  life  and  power  we 
call  Infinite. 

To  further  illustrate  this  indwelling  life  principle,  we  quote  from  a 
celebrated  author,  who,  speaking  of  the  "  winds  and  currents  of  the  sea,' 
says:  "Men  try  to  explain  everything  by  the  wind  and  the  current. 
Now  there  is  in  the  air  a  force  which  is  not  wind,  and  in  the  water  a 
force  that  is  not  current.  This  force,  the  same  in  the  air  as  in  the  wa 
ter,  is  effluvium.  The  air  and  the  water  are  two  masses  of  liquid  nearly 
identical  and  changing  mutually  into  each  other.  * 
The  effluvium  is  alone  fluid ;  the  wind  and  the  current  are  only  im- 
pulses. The  effluvium  is  a  steady  stream  and  is 
invisible.  Yet  from  time  to  time  it  says,  '  There  I  am  : '  and  its  way  of 
saying  so  is  a  thunder  clap.  The  sea  is  as  much  magnetic  as  watery. 
An  ocean  of  forces  floats  unknown  in  the  ocean  of  currents.  To  see 
in  the  ocean  only  a  mass  of  water  is  not  to  see  it  at  all.''  To  which  we 
would  add,  that  to  see  in  the  manifestations  of  nature,  nature  only,  is 
not  to  sec  it  at  all,  for  the  power  producing  it  is  not  recognized.  What 
is  seen  is  not  the  reality,  but  that  through  which  the  reality  makes  it- 
self known. 

What  has  thus  far  been  considered  may  be  consolidated  into  this 
comprehensive  proposition  :  That  there  is  a  power  existing  everywhere, 
of  which  we  can  know  nothing  absolutely  except  that  consciousness 
tells  us  it  is.  At  the  same  time  we  are  conscious  of  our  incapability 
to  define  or  comprehend  it,  and  that  all  we  can  ever  know  of  this 
power  is  its  physical  manifestations.  Hence  the  knowledge  of  what  we 
see,  hear,  feel,  taste  and  smell  is  abstractly  symbolic  and  relative,  the 
only  absolute  knowledge  we  can  possibly  have — if  knowledge  it  be — 
is  a  consciousness  of  our  infinite  existence.  In  this  view  of  the  exist- 
ence of  God,  which  is  the  basis  of  all-religious  ideas,  religion  may  be 
said  to  be  superior  to  science,  because  it  remains  immovable  in  con- 
sciousness. Religion  belongs  to  the  unknowable ;  science  deals  with 
the  knowable,  which  is  the  manifestation  of  the  unknowable.  There- 
fore, viewed  philosophically,  religion  and  science  stand  for  the  subject- 
ive and  objective  whose  relations  comprise  the  whole.  The  presence, 
then,  in  consciousness,  of  what  we  can  by  no  means  account  for,  must 


BASIS   OF   PHYSICAL   LIFE.  209 

be  the  actual  presence  of  that  of  which  consciousness  is  made  up — the 
elementary  spiritual  principles  representative  in  us  as  individual  exist- 
ences of  the  great  Infinite  existence. 

Ambiguity  in  the  use  of  terms  leads  to  confusion  of  ideas  and 
thought,  and  is  one  great  general  cause  of  the  ignorance  and  supersti- 
tion still  existing  among  apparently  enlightened  nations.  Many  terms, 
supposed  to  convey  certain  well-defined  ideas,  are  found  to  be  deficient 
when  analyzed,  and  others  stand  for  nothing  in  substance.  Many  are 
in  common  use  whose  meaning  the  man  of  religion,  science  or  philoso- 
phy would  be  embarrassed  to  explain.  Chief  among  these  are :  The 
Infinite,  The  Absolute,  Causation  and  Effect,  Power,  Motion,  Matter, 
Space,  Time,  Resistance,  Eternity,  Immortality,  Good,  Evil,  Heat,  Light, 
Rewards,  Punishment,  Justice,  Law,  Order.  As  the  argument  proceeds 
it  will  be  seen  how  nearly  the  whole  of  these  and  many  similar  terms 
are  resolvable  into  the  few  which  convey  realities. 

All  things  that  can  be  resolved  into  parts  cannot  be  said  to  be  ex- 
istences. Existence  carries  with  it  the  idea  of  permanent  continuity, 
something  self-dependent,  superior  to  everything  else  as  an  entity. 
What  one  term  will  express  absolute  superiority  ?  The  universe  of 
space  is  occupied  by  matter  which,  acted  upon  by  an  incomprehensible 
Power,  produces  manifestations  or  motions.  These  being  successive, 
time  becomes  a  necessary  constituent  Do  we  need  any  other  term  to 
cover  all  the  manifestations  ?  Is  there  any  part  of  the  universe  left 
untouched  by  the  few  terms  ?  But  allowing  that  they  include  the 
Whole,  some  one  must  be  of  primary  consequence,  while  the  others  are 
auxiliary  thereto. 

The  term  Motion  will  be  found,  on  analysis,  to  be  the  result  of 
Power  acting  upon  Matter,  and  the  proposition  is  comprehensive  enough 
to  include  every  known  movement.  Hence  every  manifestation  in  the 
material  world  can  readily  be  accounted  for  by  the  combination  of 
these  two  terms.  Though  not  so  immediately  apparent,  it  will  be  shown 
that  mental  manifestations  are  also  included  in  this.  If  all  manifesta- 
tions are  then  explainable  by  these  two  terms,  all  minor  terms  must  be 
but  names  for  the  different  forms  under  which  these  two  manifest  them- 
selves, and  into  which  they  must  ultimately  be  resolved.  Motion,  it 
was  found,  was  resolvable  into  Power  and  Matter.  Can  these  be  re- 
solved into  anything  more  general  than  themselves  ? 

The  universe  is  composed  objectively  of  matter.  Is  it  made  up 
of  anything  else  ?  An  absolute  vacuum  is  an  impossibility  in  thought. 
Then  what  we  term  space  is  filled  with  something,  and  only  matter  is 
14 


210  BASIS   OF   PHYSICAL    LIFE. 

comprehensive  enough  to  include  all.  But  matter  alone  would  con- 
vey the  idea  of  space  filled  with  something  at  perfect  rest  The  term 
motion  then  becomes  necessary.  This  involves  a  subject,  the  cause  of 
the  motion ;  and  an  object,  the  thing  moved — power  the  cause,  motion 
the  object.  Can  these  be  resolved  into  anything  more  general  ?  As 
stated,  the  universe  is  composed  of  matter,  manifesting  itself  by  and 
through  motion;  and  motion,  as  was  seen,  can  be  caused  only  by  the 
application  of  power  to  matter,  and  no  other  term  is  sufficiently  gen- 
eral to  comprehend  the  causes  of  motion.  By  the  union  or  duality  of 
power  and  matter  everything  is  brought  within  the  sphere  of  conscious- 
ness, if  not  of  comprehension.  But  which  of  all  the  manifestations  of 
power  acting  upon  matter  is  of  primary  importance?  Of  which  does 
•consciousness  earliest  take  cognizance  ? 

The  universe  of  matter  is  boundless.  Space  conveys  the  idea  of 
something  beyond  which  there  is  nothing.  Else  it  would  be  limited 
by  that  which  is  beyond,  and  we  can  conceive  of  nothing  as  existing 
without  extension,  and  extension  implies  the  occupancy  of  a  certain 
•defined  limit,  which  limit  must  be  within  space.  Space  being  undefina- 
ble,  that  which  occupies  it  must  partake  of  the  same  characteristic  when 
considered  as  a  whole.  The  same  line  of  reasoning  applies  to  power 
.and  time.  Succession  of  events  compels  an  occupation  of  a  part  of 
infinite  duration  as  matter,  relatively  considered,  occupies  space;  that 
is,  between  two  or  more"  separate  facts  there  must  be  a  lapse  of  time 
before  consciousness  can  arrange  them  so  as  as  to  take  cognizance  there- 
of. Whether  this  is  of  itself  an  actual  existence,  or  some  method  of 
an  actual  existence,  it  is  a  necessity  to  consciousness.  Hence,  time  is 
related  to  power  as  space  is  to  matter.  Power  and  matter  being  the 
subjective  realities,  while  space  and  time  are  their  objective  results,  or 
the  necessary  effects  of  the  experience  in  consciousness  of  their  united 
result,  which  is  motion.  Our  ideas  of  space  and  time  are  derived  from 
experiences  of  power  .acting  upon  matter,  while  motion,  the  effect  there- 
of, unites  the  two  in  consciousness  as  relative  realities  which  must  be  a 
part  of  absolute  realities. 

'  It  is  clear,  then,  that  all  we  can  know  of  the  unknowable  arises 
from  our  experience  of  power  and  matter,  and  that  within  the  sphere 
of  their  manifestations  all  effects  arc  included.  But  while  each  is  ne- 
cessary to  produce  effect,  we  must  not  forget  that  AVC  would  have  no 
consciousness  of  the  existence  of  matter  were  it  not  the  object  of  the 
application  of  power  ;  hence  we  must  conclude  that  power  is  of  primor- 
dial importance,  and,  as  such,  the  most  general  and  comprehensive  of 


BASIS   OF   PHYSICAL   LIFE.  211 

scientific  terms.  All  knowledge  and  consciousness  grow  out  of  expe- 
riences of  power,  which  must  be  considered  the  general  ultimate.  All 
theories  reg:\rding  it  are  but  theories.  Power  is  untouched  by  them,, 
while  matter,  space,  time  and  motion  may  be  considered  either  as  its 
constituents  or  as  modes  of  its  manifestations. 

To  make  the  argument  niore  complete  to  those  unaccustomed  to 
resolve  phenomenon  into  its  ultimate  cause,  some  illustrations  of  such 
resolutions  will  prepare  the  mind  to  accept  the  conclusions  arrived  at  r. 
Let  it  be  supposed  that  some  circumstance  calls  for  the  manufacture  of 
cotton  cloth  unlike,  in  some  respect,  any  ever  manufactured — say  iir 
width — how  must  it  be  produced  ?  Reasoning  inductively  and  given 
the  raw  material,  the  last  necessity  apparently  is  a  loom  that  will  admit 
of  the  width  required  and  the  prepared  webbing  and  filling.  Still,  the 
cloth  cannot  be  produced  without  the  further  aid  of  motion  in  the  loom,, 
which  motion  must  be  generated  by  power  through  certain  machinery, 
obtained  from  setting  free  such  portion  of  power  as  had  been  concen- 
trated in  coal.  This  expands  water  into  steam  ;  steam  in  escaping  com- 
pels the  piston  of  the  engine  to  move,  and  this  motion  is  communicated 
to  the  loom,  the  required  cloth  being  the  effect.  It  will  be  seen  that 
whatever  intermediate  processes  were  necessary  they  were  all  resolvable 
into  the  power  concentrated  in  the  coal.  What  was  then  of  first  im- 
portance in  the  production  of  cloth  ?  It  was  neither  the  loom  nor  the- 
cotton  nor  t!io  machinery,  but  the  power  giving  motion  to  all.  This, 
illustration  may  be  used  symbolically  to  explain  everything  incompre- 
hensible in  the  universe,  that  is,  all  manifestations  of  power  working  in 
and  through  matter,  producing  motion  and  its  effects. 

All  material  effects  being  explained  by  power  acting  on  matter,, 
may  not  this  simple  formula  equally  symbolize  all  mental  operations 
the  product  of  which  is  thought?  The  question  primarily  arising 
would  be,  what  is  thought  and  how  is  it  produced  ?  Let  us  analyze  itv 
Something  cannot  be  produced  from  nothing.  Thought  is  something. 
Thought  is  then  the  product  of  something  previously  existing.  Imma- 
teriality cannot  be  conceived  of.  Therefore  thought  is  not  only  mate- 
rial in  itself,  but  the  product  of  matter  in  motion ;  and  as  motion  is. 
only  possible  through  power  applied  to  matter,  thought  must  be  a  re- 
sult of  such  an  operation.  Can  it  be  explained  and  comprehended  upon 
this  theory  ?  Let  it  be  supposed  that  so  me  great  noise  should  suddenly 
occur  just  outside  a  house  in  which  were  5,000  people.  Each  one 
would  ask  the  mental  question,  or  "think,"  What  was  that  caused  by  ? 
X<>\v,  that  thought  would  be  the  product  of  the  sound  heard.  But  how 


212  BASIS  OF   J'HYSICAL   LIFE. 

heard?  Simply  thus:  Rapid  vibrations  of  the  air,  caused  by  some  un- 
known matter  in  motion,  carne  in  contact  with  the  organs  of  hearing, 
were  transmitted  to  the  nerves,  and  finally  taken  up  into  consciousness. 
The  whole  operation  is  a  purely  physical  one,  and  there  is  a  perfect 
equivalent  between  the  amount  of  vibration  and  the  resulting  sensation ; 
in  other  words,  the  effect  corresponds  to-the  cause.  It  may  also  be  re- 
marked that  a  hundred  physical  bodies  of  different  weights  produce  as 
many  different  sensations  ;  the  difference  being  always  in  exact  propor- 
tion to  the  difference  in  their  respective  weights.  Similar  differences 
follow  when  matter  at  .various  degrees  of  temperature  comes  in  contact 
with  the  body.  The  same  is  true  regarding  light  upon  the  optic 
nerve. 

Let  us  next  see  if  that  variety  of  thought  or  sensation  which  arises 
spontaneously  within  the  individual  is  due  to  any  different  agency. 
Perhaps  the  most  comprehensive  and  conclusive  evidence  of  the  material 
origin  of  thought  is,  that  a  child  born  under  even  favorable  circumstances, 
but  kept  from  all  external,  material  and  mental  manifestations,  grows  up 
a  simple  idiot  Without,  then,  the  manifestation  of  power  acting  upon 
matter,  no  original  individual  thought  or  conception  is  possible  with  the 
supposed  exception  of  spontaneous  thought  hereafter  to  be  treated. 
Further  evidence  of  this  is  seen  when  un  adult  is  kept  in  solitary  con- 
finement, or  cast  away  upon  an  uninhabited  island  ;.  memory  fails,  lan- 
guage is  lost,  and  the  person  becomes  a  semi-idiot.  The  following  ex- 
tract, from  an  address  by  Dr.  J.  W.  Draper,  is  made  to  show  that  scien- 
tific men  are  admitting  the  fact  that  the  mind  is  the  result  of  the  pro- 
cesses here  indicated — a  collection  of  facts  gained  by  impressions  con- 
stantly repeated.  He  says:  "Taere  are  successive  phases  "::"  *  * 
in  the  early  action  of  the  mind.  As  soon  as  the  senses  are  in  working 
order  *  *  *  a  process  of  collecting  facts  is  commenced.  These 
are  at  first  of  the  most  homely  kind,  but  the  sphere  from  which  they 
are  gathered  is  extended  by  degrees.  We  may,  therefore,  consider  that 
-this  collecting  of  facts  is  the  earliest  indication  of  the  action  of  the  brain, 
and  it  is  an  operation  which,  with  more  or  less  activity,  continues  through 
life.  *  *  *  Soon  a  second  characteristic  appears.  The  learning 
of  the  relationship  of  the  facts  thus  acquired  to  one  another.  *  *  * 
This  stage  has  been  sometimes  spoken  of  as  the  dawn  of  the  reasoning 
faculty.  A  third  characteristic  of  almost  contemporaneous  appearance 
may  be  remarked — it  is  the  putting  to  use  facts  that  have  been  acquired 
and  the  relationships  that  have  been  determined.  '-  *  *  Now  this 
triple  natural  process  must  be  the  basis  of  any  right  system. 


BASIS   OF   PHYSICAL   LIFE.  213 

of  instruction.  It  appears,  then,  that  contact  and  constant  intercourse 
with  external  manifestations  is  not  only  necessary  for  the  production  of 
thought  and  its  collaterals,  but  that  to  retain  the  consciousness  which 
makes  thought  possible  such  manifestations  must  be  continuously  im- 
pressed upon  the  individual.  This  seems  to  be  conclusive  that  mind 
is  the  result  of  the  experiences  of  the  manifestations  of  power. 

There  is  still  more  subtle  evidence  that  thought,  which  is  only  the 
memory  of  past  manifestations  of  power,  or  deduction  of  reason  upon 
them,  is  the  product  of  material  action.  All  mental  action  depends 
upon  the  nervous  apparatus,  and  is  limited  by  its  capacity.  The  ac- 
tivity and  power  of  this  apparatus  is  in  a  great  measure  dependent  upon 
the  quantity  of  phosphorus  supplied  to  it,  and  this  varies  at  different 
periods  of  life. 

The  point  in  question  is  further  sustained  by  the  fact  that  the  ra- 
pidity of  thought  varies  with  the  supply  of  blood  to  the  brain.  Reduce 
the  action  of  the  heart  to  forty  beats  per  minute,  and  a  feeling  of  lan- 
guor permeates  the  whole  system.  On  the  other  hand,  excess  of  cere- 
bral circulation  results  in  excitement  amounting  sometimes  to  actual 
delirium.  We  must,  then,  either  admit  that  mental  action  is  a  product 
of  material  power,  and  consequently  itself  material,  or  else  conclude 
that,  while  it  is  the  result  of  the  expenditure  of  power,  it  is  in  its  character 
immaterial,  which  would  be  absurd,  because  it  is  impossible  to  rep- 
resent immateriality  in  thought,  as  consciousness  requires  a  subjective 
action  and  objective  reception  of  it  to  complete  a  thought,  while  imma- 
teriality is  neither. 

Not  only  is  mental  action  affected  by  the  quantity  of  blood  sup- 
plied to  the  brain,  but  also  by  its  quality.  This  is  fully  shown  in  the 
progress  of  certain  diseases  that  prevent  its  being  properly  oxygenized, 
and  even  more  conspicuously  in  the  administration  of  anassthetics.  A 
similar  effect  can  be  produced  upon  the  brain  by  deep,  full  and  con- 
tinuously raj- id  breathing,  by  which  an  undue  amount  of  oxygen  is  in- 
troduced into  the  circulation. 

It  appears,  then,  that  having  a  perfect  nervous  apparatus,  certain 
special  materials  must  be  supplied  to  it  from  or  by  which  to  manufac- 
ture menial  and  nervous  action.  Excessive  mental  action  and  power- 
ful and  continuous  emot'ons  produce,  as  everybody  knows,  physical 
prostration.  From  whatever  position,  then,  we  may  view  any  action 
the  physical,  mental  or  nervous  system  is  capable  of  producing,  we 
come  finally  to  the  conclusion  that  they  are  possible  only  as  the  result 
of  the  expenditure  of  some  physical  power,  and  every  mind  that  will 


214:  BASIS   OF    PHYSICAL    LIFE. 

justly  consider  the  evidence  must  give  its  adhesion  to  what  science  is 
rapidly  making  plain. 

Before  closing  the  consideration  of  thought  another  phase  of  its 
manifestations  demands  attention.  Who  has  not  observed  the  effect  of 
one  or  two  minds  concentrated  upon  another  person  unconscious  of  the 
intention?  The  object  of  such  concentration  becomes  conscious  of  the 
fact,  and  invariably,  though  involuntarily,  looks  in  the  direction  whence 
the  influence  proceeds.  Before  following  this  to  its  legitimate  deduc- 
tions it  must  be  taken  for  granted  that  there  is  an  individual  existence 
after  the  dissolution  of  the  physical  body.  Nearly  all  people  accept 
this  as  a  part  of  consciousness.  From  two  propositions  already  re- 
ceived and  well  understood,  a  third  may  be  deduced,  and  along'  with 
it  will  follow  such  legitimate  additional  thoughts,  ideas,  impressions, 
and  modifications  of  former  ones,  as  such  deductions  necessarily  imply. 
But  how  shall  those  thoughss  not  derived  from  anything  already  in  con- 
sciousness, be  accounted  for  ?  And  are  not  all  conscious  of  receiving 
many  such  thoughts  in  passive  conditions  and  during  sleep  ?  Follow- 
ing up  the  truth  that  something  cannot  be  produced  from  nothing,  the 
source  of  these  must  be  found,  else  our  premises  are  false  or  incom- 
plete. 

Every  variety  of  mental  action  can  be  communicated.  Given  a 
mind  possessed  of  a  new  truth  and  one  that  has  n  >t  yet  perceived  it 
the  former  can  communicate  it  to  the  latter.  This  communication  and 
reception  have  been  effected  through  the  medium  of  speech.  Another 
method  is  through  written  or  printed  language.  All  this  is  simplv  .svin- 
bolic.  Sounds  and  written  or  printed  forms  are  in  themselves  nothing 
but  motion  in  the  atmosphere  and  material  formations  by  common  con- 
sent accepted  to  represent  other  and  previous  material  formations.  The 
one  thing  of  primary  importance  is,  that  the  symbols  used  must  be  pre- 
viously understood  by  both  parties  to  represent  identical  things  at  all 
times.  Thought,  expressed  in  an  unknown  languag  •,  is  not  compre- 
hended ;  this  indicates  that  thought  abstracted  from  form  is  never  com- 
municated. It  cannot  rise  into  consciousness  even,  except  through  an 
established  form.  Capability  of  thought  is  only  possible  as  the  result 
of  constant  contact  with  external  manifestations,  systematized  under 
certain  regular  and  received  forms  which  always  remain  purely  sym- 
bolic. 

It  remains  to  be  considered  how  mind  affects  mind,  through  the 
concentration  of  the  will,  without  the  apparent  use  of  the  above  meth- 
ods of  communication.  We  have  seen  that  sounds  produce  an  effect 


BASIS   OF   PHYSICAL    LIFE.  215 

upon  the  object  through  the  sense  of  hearing.  But  can  you  analyze 
hearing,  and  show  how  the  sounds  rise  into  consciousness?  When 
forms  are  used  an  effect  is  produced  through  vision.  But  how  does 
vision  rise  into  consciousness  ?  We  have  seen  that  an  effect  is  produced 
by  a  concentration  of  the  mind  upon  an  object,  but  how  this  effect  rises 
into  consciousness  is  beyond  our  comprehension. 

We  can  now  proceed  to  the  application  of  what  has  been  of- 
fered, to  the  communication  between  minds  by  other  methods  than 
sound  and  form.  Whence  all  these  thoughts  and  impressions  that  steal 
into  consciousness  through  no  apparent  form?  The  conclusion  seems 
inevitable  that  mind  can  influence  mind,  whether  it  be  within  a  physi- 
cal organization  or  out  of  it  We  predicate,  therefore,  that  all  thoughts, 
ideas,  impressions,  and  sensations  not  coming  from  present  external 
manifestations  nor  from  previously  acquired  facts,  nor  yet  from  direct 
communications  through  recognized  symbols,  are  emanations  received 
from  some  unknown  mind  either  in  or  out  of  the  physical  form.  Nor 
can  we  escape  from  this  conclusion,  unless  we  concede  that  this  case 
forms  an  exception  to  the  general  law.  All  forms,  then,  of  thought, 
emotion  and  sensation  are  the  legitimate  result  of  the  expenditure  of 
power,  and  may  be  arrayed  in  support  of  the  premises  that  Life,  Power, 
and  Motion,  wherever  found,  are  Unitary. 

Let  us  consider  in  continuation,  what  application  this  unity  has  as 
the  basis  of  physical  life.  What  constitutes  this  basis  ?  Is  physical 
life  the  direct  effect  of  the  edict  of  a  God  reigning  over  the  whole  uni- 
verse from  some  some  unknown  point  within  it?  No,  the  theory  of  a 
special  Providence  is  fast  giving  place  to  new  and  better  things — to  law 
and  order.  It  is  beginning  to  dawn  upon  mankind  that  "  the  only  true 
God  "  must  be  beyond  our  comprehension  as  the  universe  is,  and  that 
it  is  folly  or  presumptive  egotism  to  assert  that  God  is  this  or  that  A 
God  possessing  such  inconsistent  infinite  powers  as  are  usually  ascribed 
to  him,  is  fast  being  discarded  by  all  thinkers.  Therefore  the  basis 
must  be  sought  elsewhere. 

The  universe  is  ruled  in  uniform  ways.  Special  enactments  for 
special  contingencies  are  inconsistent  with  our  conception  of  the  nature 
of  that  general  law  by  which  all  is  governed.  This  alone  is  inferable, 
when  viewed  with  the  conclusions  previously  arrived  at,  that  tilings  of 
which  we  can  be  conscious  are  unitary  in  origin  and  in  ultimate  effect. 
Supreme  rule  is  removed  beyond  the  pale  of  vicissitudes  of  time  and 
circumstance.  The  deduction,  then,  is  that  the  cause  of  physical  life  is 
universally  the  same,  the  manifestations  being  varied  according  to  the 


216  BASIS   OF   PHYSICAL    LIFE. 

properties  involved  in  them.  Does  life  then  consist  of  anything  more 
than  this  uniform  Basis  Power  ? 

The  world  of  mind  demands  facts,  not  theories.  Truth  is  no  longer 
feared,  no  matter  how  terribly  it  may  shock  the  sensibilities  of  the  re- 
ligiously-educated and  philosophically-dwarfed  intellect  Let  us  have 
truth,  then,  even  if  it  strips  away  the  last  of  our  preconceived  opinions. 
The  cry  for  more  light  continues  'to  extend.  You  who  cannot  yet  en- 
dure its  brightness  hide  yourselves  behind  clouded  dogmas,  creeds  and 
theories.  We  know  no  creed  but  that  which  declares  that  an  infinite, 
inscrutable  Power  is  the  life  of  all  things,  material  and  spiritual ;  we 
know  no  dogma  save  that  life  is  the  operation  of  this  Power ;  we  know 
no  theory  but  that  which  makes  clear  the  laws  and  modes  by  which 
these  operations  are  governed. 

Discarding,  then,  all  dogmas,  the  growing  minds  strikes  boldly  out 
for  truth,  and  he  who  catches  but  faint  glimpses  of  it  badly  performs 
his  duty  if  he  attempts  to  hide  it  from  his  brothers.  If  in  its  attain- 
ment the  Church  crumbles,  why  falter  ?  If  governments  totter,  why 
falter  ?  Whatever  will  be  Crushed  out  by  new  discoveries  and  publication 
of  truth  has  already  performed  its  mission.  Suppose,  for  example,  that 
the  grossest  materialism,  ever  conceived  of  was  absolutely  true,  would 
it  not  be  best  that  the  world  should  be  convinced  of  its  truth  ?  It 
speaks  little  for  any  system  of  religion  or  philosophy  that  it  cannot  bear 
the  light  of  facts,  but  evades,  shuts  out,  or  hurls  anathemas  at  that 
which  it  cannot  refute.  Such  a  course  stands  condemned  before  the 
tribunal  of  a  progressive  philosophy.  The  very  effort  of  a  late  institu- 
tion in  oppositionto  physical  freedom  precipitated  upon  it  its  own  destruc- 
tion ;  such  will  doubtless  be  the  result  of  an  attempt  now  being  made 
by  a  powerful  institution  to  rivet  religious  bondage  upon  its  subjects. 

In  continuing  this  subject,  extracts  will  be  made  from  Prof.  Hux- 
ley's lecture,  "  The  New  Theory  of  Life,  or  Matter  the  Basis  of  Vital- 
ity," to  show  that  science  has  demonstrated  that  "life"  is  the  same 
everywhere  ;  and  though  he  disclaims  materialistic  philosophy,  the  ten- 
dency of  these  extracts  is  in  that  direction.  While  matter  must  be 
looked  to  for  all  expression  of  facts,  it  must  not  be  overlooked  that 
the  realm  of  power  or  spirituality  is  the  producing  cause;  conse- 
quently, while  allowing  science  full  scope  in  analyzing,  demonstrating 
and  systematizing  facts,  religion  must  not  be  despoiled  of  its  basis 
idea  which  remains  immovably  fixed  in  consciousness.  The  Professor 
says :  "I  have  translated  the  term  Protoplasm,  which  is  the  scientific 
name  of  the  substance  I  am  about  to  speak  of  by  the  words  '  The 


BASIS   OF    PHYSICAL   LIFE.  217 

Physical  Basis  of  Life.'  *  *  *  *  To  many,  the  idea 
that  there  is  such  a  thing  as  a  physical  basis  or  matter  of  life  may- 
be novel.  Even  those  who  are  aware  that  matter 
and  life  are  inseparably  connected  may  not  be  prepared  for  the  conclu- 
sion plainly  suggested  by  the  phrase  '  The  Physical  Basis  of  Life.'  ' 
After  giving  various  illustrations,  drawn  from  nearly  every  department 
of  nature,  grasping  contrasts  and  dissimilarities,  he  adds :  "I propose 
to  demonstrate  that,  notwithstanding  these  apparent  difficulties,  a  three- 
fold unity — a  unity  of  power  or  faculty,  a  unity  of  form  and  a  unity  of 
substantial  composition,  does  pervade  the  whole  living  world  ;  * 
that  the  complicated  and  multifarious  activities  of  man  are  compre- 
hensible under  three  categories — either  they  are  immediately  directed 
toward  the  maintenance  and  development  of  the  body,  or  they  are  to 
effect  transitory  changes  in  the  relative  positions  of  parts  of  the  body ; 
or  they  tend  toward  the  continuance  of  the  species.  Even  the  mani- 
festation of  intellect,  of  feeling  and  of  will,  arc  not  excluded  from  the 
classification. 

Prof  Huxley  then  illustrates  the  action  of  the  protoplasm  in  the 
common  nettle  and  in  the  drop  of  blood,  showing  that  both  plants  and 
animals  have  their  origin  in  a  particle  of  nucleated  protoplasm,  and 
that  this  protoplasm,  "  not  only  dies  and  is  resolved  into  its  mineral  and 
lifeless  constituents,  but  is  always  dying,  and  strange  as  the  paradox 
may  seem,  could  not  live  unless  it  died."  Thus  we  are  led  to  the  con- 
clusion that  all  matter  has  a  common  basic  principle  by  which  we 
obtain  our  evidences  of  it  It  is  equally  clear  that  analysis  fails  to 
grapple  this  principle,  for  the  process  dissipates  the  power  that  com- 
pelled the  combination.  Dead  protoplasm  differs  from  living  in  that 
something  has  departed  from  it,  and  though  we  cannot  catch  this  to 
decide  upon  its  nature,  can  we  with  consistency  say  it  is  a  property  of 
matter  ?  If  it  is,  what  has  become  of  it  that  it  does  not  manifest  it- 
self again  upon  the  recombination  of  the  matter  it  once  made  use  of? 
One  fact  is  evident,  and  seems  to  be  conclusive.  This  life  principle 
never  manifests  itself  through  artificial  combinations  of  matter.  Again, 
is  there  no  difference  between  ordinary  matter  and  "matter  of  life?" 
What  changes  the  former  into  the  latter,  and  vice  versa?  If  chemical 
analysis  can  tell  us  nothing  about  the  composition  of  living  matter, 
what  can  it  tell  us  of  life  itself?  If  nucleated  protoplasm  is  the  basis 
of  all  life,  and  yet  nothing  but  matter,  why  does  one  "structural  unit  " 
of  it  produce  a  plant,  another  an  animal?  While  it  is  evident  that 
the  material  composition  of  these  units  is  uniform,  it  seems  to4be  quite 


218  BASIS  'OF   PHYSICAL   LIFE. 

absurd  to  say  that  chemical  analysis  teaches  everything  that  they  com- 
prehend. 

If  the  manifestations  of  matter  are  the  result  of  its  properties,  the 
law  must  be  of  general  application.  Water  always  seeks  its  level :  is 
that  a  property  of  water  or  the  result  of  gravitation  ?  Water  can  be 
expanded  into  vapor :  is  this  a  property  of  water  or  the  result  of  the 
introduction  of  heat  ?  Is  it  a  property  of  matter  that  transfers  the  di- 
gestible and  animal  food  we  eat  into  man  ?  Does  man  exhibit  nothing 
but  the  properties  of  matter?  It  is  evident  that  after  the  strictest 
chemical  analysis  the  vital  life  principle  common  to  all  matter  re- 
mains unreached — thus  indicating  its  great  ultimate  character,  which 
is  beyond  the  reach  of  both  chemical  and  mental  analysis. 

What  is  this  power  by  which  the  nucleated  protoplasm  of  the 
various  species  always  produces  representatives  of  the  one  which  fur 
nished  the  germ?  If  it  were  simply  a  property  of  nucleated  proto- 
2)lasm,  considered  as  matter,  why  should  not  a  germ  from  the  lion 
just  as  readily  produce  a  lamb  ?  In  the  various  crosses  between  ani- 
mals, the  aggregated  masses  of  protoplasm  partaking  of  both,  the  infer- 
ence plainly  is  that  in  each  of  the  particles  of  protoplasm  was  contained 
a  power  which  controlled  their  successive  aggregations  and  modifica- 
tions. Other  evidence  that  the  determining  power  is  something  more 
than  a  mere  property  of  matter  is  found  in  the  fact  that  if  the  young 
of  several  different  species  of  animals  be  reared  in  company  and  fed 
with  the  same  material,  they  will  each  retain  the  peculiarities  of  the 
species  they  represent,  modified  somewhat  by  the  community  of  influ- 
ence exerted  on  them.  The  same  is  true  of  the  offspring  of  different 
races  and  nations. 

The  law  indicated  is  still  more  generally  applicable,  descending  as 
it  does  from  the  wide  range  of  species  and  nations  to  each  individual 
member  thereof  Upon  different  individuals  the  same  cause,  acting 
under  like  circumstances,  produces  different  effects,  and  this  difference 
is  dependent  upon  something  more  persistent  than  matter  which  is 
constantly  changing.  Is  this  persistent  individuality  a  property  of  the 
matter  we  possess  now,  or  of  that  which  we  shall  be  made  up  of  some 
years  hence?  The  consciousness  of  each  one  answers  that  this  indi- 
viduality is  superior  to  the  vicissitudes  of  matter — this  consciousness 
having  this  peculiarity  over  its  consciousness  of  the  manifestations  of 
matter,  that  while  it  constantly  acquires  new  experiences  it  loses  none 
of  those  previously  acquired. 


BASIS    OF    PHYSICAL    LIFE.  219 

We  know  nothing  of  this  power,  except  that  it  is  a  name  for  an 
unknown  cause  :  and  so  far  as  practical  utility  is  concerned,  the  dis- 
tinction between  power  and  matter  might  be  discarded,  the  danger  of 
falling  thereby  into  the  slough  of  materialistic  philosophy  being  avoided, 
if  we  remember  that  all  the  knowledge  we  can  acquire  is  simply  rela- 
tive and  symbolic. 

Eeturning  fo*  a  moment  to  the  fact  of  reproduction,  to  ascertain  if 
possible  the  determining  power  by  which  one  "structural  unit"  of  nu- 
cleated protoplasm  develops  into  a  beast,  and  another  chemically  iden- 
tical into  a  man,  and  realizing  fully  that  this  power  is  beyond  common 
modes  of  proof  we  infer  that  a  reasonable  conclusion  can  only  be  de- 
duced from  observing  the  general  unchanging  law  of  the  constant  re- 
currence of  similar  results  under  similar  circumstances.  The  first  step 
in  the  inquiry  is  to  ask  what  "protoplasm  "  is,  and  how  and  where  it 
is  obtained. 

Prof.  Huxley  informs  us  that  its  chemical  constituents  are  carbon, 
hydrogen,  nitrogen  and  oxygen,  which  form  carbonic  acid,  water  and 
ammonia  ;  and  that  these  are  compounded  by  plants  into  the  "  matter 
of  life  "  or  protoplasm,  which  is  the  first  compound  of  elements  possess- 
ing inherent  organic  motion.  This  being  the  only  way  protaplasm  can 
be  produced,  we  must  always  look  to  the  vegetable  world  for  continuous 
supplies  of  it ;  and  though  we  obtain  it  in  large  quantities  from  the 
animal  world,  it  is  only  at  second-hand.  In  the  vegetable  world,  then, 
must  we  find  the  first  traces  of  organic  life.  But  though  plants  thus 
manufacture  protoplasm,  they  are  not  wholly  protoplasm,  but  consist 
of  various  other  elements  necessary  in  an  organized  form.  The  manu- 
facture of  protoplasm  may  be  considered  the  end  of  the  vegetable  world. 
This  substance  builds  up  the  animal  world,  and  forms  a  connecting  link 
between  the  kingdoms. 

How  long  it  took  protoplasm  to  produce  its  ultimate  animal  man 
we  cannot  ascertain,  but  the  numerous  species  and  varieties  thereof  be- 
tween the  simplest  and  most  complete  compounds  signify  a  labor  of 
which  we  can  scarcely  conceive,  and  yet  science  has  traced  and  classified 
it  all,  each  succeeding  link  in  the  chain  being  a  little  more  complex, 
until  man  appears.  As  no  higher  types  have  been  produced  it  is  fair 
to  presume  that  none  can  be.  The  formula,  then,  that  will  present  man 
will  include  everything  below  him  in  the  order  of  creation,  not  only  in 
the  animal  and  vegetable  kingdoms,  but  in  the  inorganic  world  upon 
which  t'.  '-vtnble  is  founded. 


220  j. ...•:..>  Lt-  riiYsicAL  LIFE. 

It  remains  to  be  observed  that  in  the  order  of  nature  each  of  the 
various  species  of  animals  reproduces  its  kind,  and  gradually  merges 
into  the  next  higher,  but  never  recedes.  Each  species  represents  in 
different  proportions  and  numbers  the  "  structural  units,"  from  which, 
reproduction  follows,  each  unit  containing  the  life  principle  representa- 
tive of  the  general  life  principle  of  the  animal  from  which  it  comes. 
Now,  it  is  predicated  as  a  result  of  the  study  of  nature  that  this 
life  principle  is  the  determining  power  that  controls  the  pro- 
cess whereby  protoplasm  builds  up  such  various  and  dissimilar  ma- 
terial reforms.  Dead  protoplasm  consists  of  carbon,  hydrogen,  oxygen, 
and  nitrogen ;  living  protoplasm,  of  these  permeated  and  held  together 
by  this  life  principle,  and  this  differs  in  its  controlling  power  according 
to  the  formations  it  has  gone  through.  Thus  the  u  structural  unit  "  of 
the  lion  or  of  the  horse,  containing  the  life  principle  peculiar  to  each, 
develops  into  a  lion  or  a  horse,  as  the  case  may  be,  unless  in  this  pro- 
cess it  is  furnished  with  living  protoplasm  containing  a  life  principle  of 
different  determining  powers,  when  the  aggregate  result  is  a  modifica- 
tion of  the  two  powers. 

Again,  if  the  phenomena  presented  by  matter  are  its  absolute  prop- 
erties, the  same  elements  and  combinations  should  always  produce  iden- 
tical results  when  taken  into  the  human  system.  Do  facts  coincide 
with  this  ?  This  "  matter  of  life  "  should,  if  it  is  simply  matter,  always 
produce  similar  effects  from  whatever  source  it  is  derived.  It  is  a  phy- 
siological fact,  however,  that  habitual  living  upon  certain  kinds  of  food 
. — all  containing  this  identical  "  matter  of  life  " — does  produce  hetero- 
geneous effects,  mental  aud  physical,  upon  the  system.  Thus,  if  a  per- 
son who  has  constantly  lived  upon  animal  food  changes  his  diet  entirely 
to  fruit  and  vegetables,  a  corresponding  change  will  take  place  in  his 
individual  capacities. 

The  same  point  is  well  illustrated  by  a  case  which  occurred  in 
England,  where  saltpetre,  obtained  direct  from  the  soil,  was  quite  inert 
compared  with  that  obtained  from  animal  substances,  the  cause  of  the 
difference  being-  due  to  the  iact  that  the  latter,  in  passing  through  the 
animal  kingdom,  had  acquired  a  power  which  it  did  not  previously 
possess.  This  illustration  is  of  general  application.  It  is  evident  that 
matter,  in  passing  through  each  successive  arid  higher  organic  form, 
becomes  impregnated  with  the  life  principle  which  determines  such 
form,  and  which  manifests  itself  in  all  future  combinations  into  which, 
such  matter  enters. 


BASIS   OF   PHYSICAL   LIFE.  221 

The  question  now  naturally  arises,  Is  there  a  life  principle  common 
to  ai  matter,  which  has  become  variously  modified  as  the  elements  of 
matter  have  become  modified  by  having  given  rise  to  or  passed 
through  the  different  changes  and  steps  between  its  original  homogene- 
ous state  and  its  present  heterogeneous  condition  ?  Or  are  we  to  con- 
clude that  all  matter  is  dead,  except  that  termed  "  matter  of  life  ?  " 
That  there  is,  consequently,  no  life  except  organic  life,  and  that  this 
organic  lift  is  «•  special  creation  entering  into  a  single  compound,  which 
thereby  raised  to  the  dignity  of  "matter  of  life,"  makes  use  of  other 
'elements  as  auxiliaries  to  its  supreme  rule  ?  With  all  proper  deference 
to  '•  matter  of  life,"  we  would  ask,  what  do  we  know  of  life  except  as 
a  result  of  motion  ?  and  where  can  matter  be  found  that  does  not  mani- 
fest motion?  and  how  could  the  compound  in  which  the  "  matter  of 
life  "  is  first  found,  have  been  compounded  without  motion?  If  the 
life  principle,  manifested  by  protoplasm,  is  simply  a  property  of  matter, 
I  see  no  logical  reason  why  the  motion  existing  in  matter  should  not 
with  equal  propriety  be  called  its  property.  This  brings  us  to  first 
principles,  to  the  threshold  of  elemental  combination,  for  if  this  power 
determines  the  forms  compounds  shall  assume,  why  should  it  not  de- 
termine simple  elemental  form  also? 

Protoplasm  is  the  foundation  of  all  organic  life  ;  and  if  we  add  to 
to  this  that  this  substance  is  itself  the  ultimate  of  a  previous  system  of 
formation,  the  formula  will  express  the  whole.  Yet  it  must  not  be  for- 
gotten that  the  building  up  of  organic  life4  is  the  result  of  a  constructive 
power  common  to  the  universe,  and  not  indigenous  to  protoplasm  alone. 
It  must  then  be  apparent  that  there  is  a  power  common  to  all  matter, 
of  which  the  motion  or  life  inherent  in  living  protoplasm  is  but  a  mod- 
ification ;  also,  that  the  capacity  of  this  common  power  for  modification 
is  only  limited  by  the  necessary  forms  to  represent  it,  and  the  time  re- 
quired to  develop  them. 

If  this  view  of  the  power  that  pervades  tli3  universe  is  correct  the 
real  basis  of  life  lies  retrospectively  far  behind  the  motion  contained  in 
or  manifested  by  the  matter  of  life,  and  this  motion,  instead  of  .being 
life  of  matter  in  its  absolute  sense,  is  but  one  of  its  modes  of  expression. 
This  homogeneous  power  common  to  matter  still  exists,  undisturbed  in 
extent,  though  most  heterogeneously  distributed  in  the  formations  which 
make  up  the  present  external  universe. 

The  basis  of  physical  life,  then,  is  this  power,  and  this  power  is  the 
same  that  was  found  to  be  unitary,  though  incomprehensible  in  its  ex- 
tent, while  its  manifestations  are  simply  symbolic  of  that  unlimited 


222  BASIS  OF   PHYSICAL   LIFE. 

power  which  is  alone  attributable  to  the  Unknowable,  commonly  desig- 
nated God.  If  this  conclusion  is  not  in  accordance  with  the  modes  of 
manifestation,  there  is  no  halting-place  between  it  and  the  opposite 
extreme  of  the  materialist  that  "  there  is  no  God'" — that  matter  is  all 
there  is  in  the  universe.  If  materialistic  philosophy  involve  "  grave 
error,"  it  becomes  the  duty  of  all  who  detect  this  tendency  to  preserve 
and  point  out  the  distinctions  between  the  "  matter  of  life  "  and  the 
life  of  matter. 

If  the  true  province  of  philosophy  is  to  discern  the  "  soul  of  truth," 
said  to  exist  "  in  all  erroneous  things,"  it  ill  becomes  the  ultra  Spirit- 
ualist with  a  "  soul  of  truth,"  contained  within  his  vast  body  of  errors, 
to  denounce  the  ultra  Materialist,  who,  if  he  has  not  the  "  soul  of  truth," 
has  a  vast  body  of  it.  To  the  superficial  thinker,  the  Materialist  may 
seem  to  be  the  more  consistent  of  the  two,  as  he  can  in  part  compre- 
hend his  truth,  while  the  Spiritualist  cannot.  Whether  one  is  more  or 
less  consistent  than  the  other  matters  not,  so  far  as  their  predications 
are  concerned. 

But  the  ultra  Spiritualist  would  show  his  consistency  by  descend- 
ing to  the  plane  of  the  Materialist  to  find  in  his  ''  body  of  truths  "  evi- 
dences of  the  handiwork  of  his  God,  which  his  ultra  religious  ideas  fail 
to  furnish  ;  and  the  ultra  Materialist  would  show  his  by  ascending  to 
the  plane  of  the  Spiritualist  to  find  in  his  "  soul  of  truth  "  the  key  that 
shall  transform  his  "body  of  truth  "  into  living, evidence  of  an  unlim- 
ited Power  entirely  beyond  the  pale  of  matter  or  the  keenest  scientific 
analysis. 


TENDENCIES  AND  PROPHECIES  OF 
THE  PRESENT  AQE. 


[Revised  from  the  American  Workman  of  October  9,  1869.] 
NO.    I. 

It  is  eminently  proper,  before  approaching  tlie  future  of  any  subj  ect, 
to  make  strictest  inquiry  and  most  diligent  search  in  and  around  its 
present — to  look  witli  retrospective  glance  upon  the  convergent  paths 
of  the  past  that  have  led  to  its  present,  and  to  catch  the  indices  point- 
ing onward  ;  and,  having  found  them,  to  judge  whether  such  as  Time's 
unfolding  calendar  has  left  here  and  there  along  the  pathway  of  passing- 
events  were  reliable  prophecies  of  what  was  to  come — were  truthful  in- 
dications of  what  was  to  follow.  In  the  judgment  determined  and 
warranted  by  the  evidences  obtained,  a  certain  basis  may  be  found 
upon  which  to  predicate  the  prophecies  of  the  living  present. 

The  existing  present  is  the  absolute  result  of  the  eternal  past ;  the 
sum  total  of  all  that  has  gone  before ;  the  product  of  God's  everlasting 
workings,  by  and  through  unchangeable  law  upon  the  elemental  mate- 
rial universe ;  nor  can  there  be  extracted  irom  this  result,  this  sum 
total,  this  product,  one  simple  separate  effect  which  is  not  the  legitimate 
offspring  of  the  operation  of  immutable  law,  co-extensive  with  the  uni- 
verse, and  co -existent  with  God. 

A  proposition  that  there  are  powers  within  God's  realm  which  did 
not  spring  from  Him,  or  that  the  Original  Cause  has,  in  the  economy  of 
Nature,  found  it  necessary  to  amend  and  change  the  original  law,  in 
order  to  accomplish  His  original  purpose,  or  that  contingencies  have 
arisen  which  have  demanded  special  enactments  on  the  part  of  the  Di- 


224  TENDENCIES   AND   PROPHECIES   OF  THE   PRESENT    AGE. 

vine  Ruler,  presupposes  that  God  did  not  know  the  end  fron  the  be- 
ginning, or,  knowing  it,  was  incompetent  to  provide  therefor.  Such  a 
proposition,  entertained  by  the  human  mind,  destroys  within  it  the  God 
of  the  universe,  and  leaves  the  world,  to  it,  a  mere  toy  in  the  hands  of 
its  master,  subject,  at  all  times,  to  the  caprices  of  his  infinite  rule,  to  be 
led  here  and  there  by  circumstances  he  knew  not  of  previous  to  their 
external  development 

It  may  be  said,  that  reasoning  upon  the  character  of  God's  govern- 
ment, or  the  mode  through  which  he  manifests  himself  to  the  world, 
is  not  pertinent  to  the  subject  in  view ;  to  those  who  think  thus  the 
query  should  be  propounded — What  of  the  future  without  a  reliable 
present  ?  and  what  of  the  effects  that  must  follow,  if  the  operating,  ex- 
isting general  laws  of  the  universe  be  not  the  same  in  a  thousand  years 
as  now  ?  It  becomes,  then,  extremely  important  that  som§  permanent, 
unchangeable  basis  be  found  before  proceeding  to  predicate  the  future  • 
and  unless  God  is  the  same  yesterday,  to-day  and  forever,  we  can  find 
no  certain  basis  upon  which  to  stand  and  from  which  we  can  start. 

We  have  but  to  question  the  earth  whether  or  not,from  its  incipiency 
onward  through  countless  ages,  it  has  obeyed  the  one  great  command, 
Progress  ?  and  in  answer  received,  determine  if,  in  the  past,  God  has 
found  it  necessary  to  change  the  great  fundamental  laws  of  the  uni- 
verse. Geology  tells  in  unmistakable  writings  what  the  earth  was  ;  we 
have  but  to  look  about  us  to  see  what  it  is.  At  no  time  since  it  was  can 
we  learn  that  the  law  of  progressive  unfoldment  has  been  inverted,  and 
the  world  turned  backward  toward  its  commencing  point.  Since  this 
has  not  occurred  in  the  past,  we  may  safely  assume  that  it  will  not  oc- 
cur in  the  future ;  the  law  of  progress  may  be  accepted  as  one  of  God's 
immutable  decrees.  The  universe  to-day,  in  all  its  variety  and  beauty, 
is  no  more  in  essence  than  it  was  millions  of  years  ago,  when  it  first  as- 
sumed its  orbital  movements ;  the  same  elements  exist  in  the  exact 
quantity — nothing  added — nothing  taken  away.  Progress  is  simply  a 
new  arrangement  of  elementary  principles. 

Simple  elements  are  indestructible ;  when  two  or  more  are  com- 
bined, and  produce  an  effect,  the  combination  may  be  destroyed,  and 
the  elements  separated  and  returned  to  their  natural  condition.  This 
process  is  not  one  of  destruction,  but  simply  of  change  of  the  rela- 
tions of  the  elements  that  formed  the  combination.  An  acorn 
deposited  in  the  earth  attracts  to  itself  such  elements  as  produce  growth ; 
after  years  of  labor,  the  mighty  oak  is  the  result.  Although  in  its  for- 
mation it  has  taken  from  the  earth  and  air  certain  properties,  the  same 


TENDENCIES  AND   PROPHECIES   OF   THE   PRESENT   AGE.  225 

quantity  of  such  proportions  still  exists — nothing  new  has  been  created, 
a  new  form  only  has  been  produced  by  Nature,  testifying  that  she 
never  rests.  Now,  suppose  a  power  were  applied  to  the  oak  to  dissolve 
it,  the  oak  only  would  be  destroyed,  not  the  properties  that  entered  into 
its  composition. 

It  is  supposed  there  are  a  certain  number  of  elementary  principles 
contained  in  and  that  make  up  the  material  universe  ;  were  these  prin- 
ciples simple  units,  incapable  of  divisibility,  we  could,  by  applying  the 
rule  of  geometrical  progression,  soon  arrive  at  the  exact  number  of  dif- 
ferent combinations,  and  consequently  the  exact  number  of  different 
forms  they  are  capable  of  producing ;  but,  being  infinite  in  quantity  and 
divisibility,  infinitude  of  form  and  effect  is  possible.  The  power  of  ar- 
rangement being  infinite,  infinitude  of  association  and  combination  is 
the  legitimate  result. 

Combination  and  association  began  in  the  simplest  forms  !  When 
God,  by  his  omnipotent  voice,  spoke  the  earth  into  existence,  as  an  in- 
dividual planet,  it  contained  exactly  the  same  elements  of  which  it  is 
now  composed ;  but  they  were  simply  in  elemental  form,  without  or- 
ganization, and,  consequently,  without  variety  of  manifestation  in  form  ; 
motion  being  an  inherent  quality,  constant  agitation  brought  the  ele- 
ments into  relations  and  combinations,  simple  at  first ;  but  by  constant 
change  they  arose  from  the  simple  to  the  complex,  and  from  the  com- 
plex toward  the  infinite,  and  i«i  the  sum  total  of  them  we  have  the  liv- 
ing present. 

The  argument  does  not  require  that  minute  examination  of  geologi- 
cal science  be  made,  following,  one  by  one,  the  rise  and  fall,  the  organ- 
ization and  destruction  of  each  of  its  classified  periods,  nor  of  the 
specific  results  by  and  through  each ;  but  only  to  recognize  the  law  by 
which  these  results  are  arrived  at.  It  is  possible  to  so  trace  and  clas- 
sify these  results  as  to  show  a  continuous  chain  of  progression,  link  by 
link,  from  the  simplest  form  of  combination,  to  the  most  complex  and 
perfect,  wherein  all  the  original  elements  were  first  represented — man  [ 
Having  arrived  at  perfection  of  form,  wherein,  all  the  properties  of  the 
material  world  find  themselves  forming  a  part,  it  might  reasonably  be 
accepted  that  progression  in  formation  would  cease  ;  while  it  has  ceased 
so  far  as  producing  higher  types  is  concerned,  it  has  not  in  the  quality 
of  the  types  already  produced ;  and  in  this  proposition  lies  the  greatest 
problem  of  life ;  the  one  most  difficult  for  the  human  mind  to  grasp. 
Man,  representing  in  form  all  that  has  gone  before,  is  the  result  of  the 
grand  chain  of  progressive  material  formations  ;  and,  having  combined 
15 


226  TENDENCIES   AND    PROPHECIES    OF   THE    PRESENT    AGE. 

within  his  physical  form  a  portion  of  every  element  contained  in  the 
world,  he  may  be  likened  in  his  infancy  to  the  infancy  of  the  earth. 
•God,  in  spirit,  pervades  all  material  nature,  and  the  union — if  union  it 
may  be  called — forms  a  perfect  whole,  and  man  being  an  epitome  of  all 
things  contained  in  the  material  world,  receives  into  his  organization 
the  spirit  of  each  of  its  representative  constituent  parts,  and  consequently 
is  endowed  with  all  the  spiritual  attributes  of  the  universe,  the  attri- 
butes of  God !  and,  as  God  is  eternal,  man,  created  in  His  image,  must 
likewise  be  eternal. 

.  As  the  earth,  in  its  first  efforts  at  organization,  combined  but  few 
of  its  principles,  and  presented  the  crudest  form,  and  as  time  rolled  on 
and  its  combinations  continued  to  include  more  and  more  of  the  several 
principles,  so  with  man  ;  in  his  infancy  his  spiritual  manifestations  were 
crude  in  the  extreme,  but  there  has  constantly  been  brought  into  co- 
operative combination,  more  and  more -of  the  spiritual  principles,  and 
higher  and  higher  types  of  spiritual  manifestations  have  been  the 
result. 

If  man,  as  a  unit,  were  analyzed  -to-day,  he  would  be  found 
to  be  made  up  spiritually  of  the  elements  corresponding  to  that 
age  of  the  development  of  the  physical  world  of  which  he  is  now  the 
representative ;  that  is  to  say,  in  his  manifestations  spiritually,  he  exhib- 
its the  same  ratio  of  spiritual  elements  that  the  earth  did  in  her  mani- 
festations in  material  elements  at  the  time  in  her  growth  corresponding 
with  the  present  condition  and  growth  of  man. 

If  cool  and  deliberate  reason,  unbiased  by  mythological  and  theo- 
retical dogmas,  be  applied  to  the  correspondence  between  the  material 
and  spiritual  elements,  the  conclusion  can  scarcely  fail  to  be  arrived  at, 
that  each  primary  element  of  the  material  universe  is  the  external  ex- 
pression and  representative  of  a  spiritual  attribute  of  God  ;  and  as  there 
are  a  definite  number  of  elements  in  nature,  forming  the  perfect  material 
whole,  so  there  are  an  equal  number  of  analagous  spiritual  elements  that 
constitute  the  spiritual  whole. 

As  the  elements  and  their  corresponding  interior  principles  are  sus- 
ceptible of  infinite  combinations  and  associations,  the  varied  manifesta- 
tions of  nature  and  man  are  readily  accounted  for.  Nor  should  it  be 
forgotten  that  each  of  the  manifestations  is  the  legitimate  and  inevitable 
result  of  the  combination  out  of  which  it  springs  ;  and,  as  the  combina- 
tion is  not  self-creative,  but  the  result  of  the  action  of  progressive  law, 
so  the  effect  of  the  combination  is  but  the  outward  expression  of  the 


TENDENCIES   AND    IMtOI'H  KC1 ES    OF   THE    1'UKSENT   AUE.  2'2T 

purposes  contained  within  the  law,  behind  the  formation  of  the  combi- 
nation, and  is  thus  the  result  of  God's  operative  law  of  progress. 

Having  argued  thus  far"  to  show  that  the  present  aye,  material,  men- 
tal and  spiritual,  is  the  legitimate  result  of  the  law  of  progressive  devel- 
opment, the  following  propositions  are  deduced  therefrom,  forming  abasis- 
or  platform  from  which  to  ask  of  the  present — What  of  the  future  ? 
Whither  doth  it  lead? 

First — All  power,  wherever  manifested,  is  a  unit 

Second — God  is  the  source  of  all  power,  and  the  elements  the  sub- 
ject of  its  application. 

Third — Each  attribute  of  God  has  its  corresponding  material  ele- 
ment 

Fourth — All  the  material  elements  constitute  the  material  world  ; 
all  the  spiritual  elements,  God. 

Fifth — There  is  nothing  contained  in  creation  outside  of  the  power 
of  God,  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  elementary  principles  on  the  other — 
the  first  positive,  the  last  negative. 

Sixth — Nothing  can  be  added  to  what  was ;  nothing  taken  away 
from  what  is. 

Seventh — All  the  diversities  in  nature  are  the  legitimate  effect  of 
the  power  of  God,  operating  through  and  upon  different  elements,  and 
different  proportions  of  different  elements,  contained  in  nature,  the  di- 
versity being  infinite,  because  the  material  and  producing  power  are 
infinite. 

Eighth — Man,  collectively,  being  the  representative  of  all  the  ma- 
terial and  spiritual  elements,  the  individual  diversities  observed  in  him 
are  the  legitimate  result  of  the  different  relative  proportions  of  these 
elements  contained  in  his  organization. 

Ninth — The  present  is  the  result  of  spiritual  principles  acting  upon 
and  through  the  material  elements  during  the  eternal  past. 

Giving  a  comprehensive  glance  at  the  world  it  will  be  seen  that 
government  of  some  kind  is  everywhere  established,  which  purports  to 
rule  the  people  embraced  within  certain  geographical  boundaries.  An 
analysis  of  each  form,  from  the  crudest  and  most  barbarous  up  through 
all  the  modifications  of  civilized  government,  will  discover  that  each 
government  was  a  true  exponent  of  the  character  of  the  people  by  or 
over  whom  it  was  established.  Every  country,  as  it  advances  in  intel- 
lectual and  moral  development,  demands  modifications  in  its  govern- 
ment adapted  to  the  improved  capacity  of  the  people.  Hence,  as  the. 
character  of  the  governed  progresses,  so  must  that  of  the  government 


228  TENDENCIES   AND    1'KOPIIECIES   OF   THE    PRESENT   AGE. 

keep  pace  with  that  of  the  governed,  else  the  power  behind  it  will  rise 
to  its  might,  and  sweep  it  away. 

There  is  but  little  doubt  that  the  government  of  this  country  is  the 
highest  form  now  in  existence  on  the  earth ;  but  to  show  how  crude  and 
even  barbarous  it  is,  reference  only  has  to  be  made  to  the  terrible  con- 
flict it  has  just  survived,  which  became  inevitable  and  necessary  as  the 
only  practical  demonstration  of  the  power  of  the  principles  upon  which 
it  purports  to  have  been  founded — that  all  men  are  born  free  and  equal, 
and  entitled  to  certain  inalienable  rights,  among  which  are  life,  liberty 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.  This  proposition  was  made  fundamental 
by  great  and  good  men,  the  representative  lights  of  the  country  at  that 
time,  standing  far  in  advance  of  the  general  mind.  Liberty  and  equity 
had  burst  upon  their  souls  under  the  sway  of  tyranny  and  oppression, 
which  became  so  odious  that  anything  was  preferable  to  them,  to  longer 
enduring  its  injustice.  In  this  land,  far  removed  from  that  where  free- 
dom could  not  lift  its  head — with  a  mighty  ocean  rolling  between,  they 
felt  they  had  found  a  secure  asylum  from  further  oppression,  and  a  land 
where  their  new-born  hopes  could  be  realized.  But,  unfortunately,  all 
all  who  came  to  the  New  World  had  not  these  hopes  and  anticipations ; 
some  there  were  who  still  desired  the  strong  hand  of  the  tyrant  to  sway ; 
and,  thus  invoked,  it  reached  even  across  the  mighty  deep,  and  sought 
anew  to  enslave  these  new-born  sons  of  freedom.  Submission  they 
never  thought  of — resistance  was  their  only  theme  ;  and  most  thoroughly 
did  they  resist ;  through  the  long  conflict  that  ensued,  carried  on  by 
them  under  every  conceivable  disadvantage,  their  hopes  never  com- 
pletely died  out ;  and  at  last — triumphant  over  the  crown — freedom 
reigned ! 

It  cannot  be  wondered  at  that  souls  rising  from  such  a  conflict  as 
the  Eevolution,  triumphant,  should  assert  so  broad  a  proposition  in  be- 
half of  equality  as  they  did  at  the  commencement  of  the  struggle ;  nor  is 
it  wonderful  that  the  great  majority  of  the  people  did  not  understand, 
or  did  not  have  a  full  perception  of  the  principle  for  which  their  repre- 
sentatives periled  their  lives  and  fortunes  and  pledged  their  sacred 
honor ;  but  principles  which  were  but  partially  discerned  by  the  Fa- 
thers of  the  Eepublic  have  now  grown  into  rules  of  action  enforced  by 
the  sanctions  of  fundamental  law  ;  slavery  of  the  body  is  no  longer  pos- 
sible ;  the  verdict  of  the  majority  of  the  people  proclaimed  it  "  behind 
the  age." 

The  South,  recognizing  this  fact,  knew  that  separation  from  the 
progressive  mind  of  the  North  was  the  only  chance  for  the  continuance 


TENDENCIES   AND   FliOrilEClKS   OF   THE   PRESENT   AGE.  229 

of  a  system  which  furnished  so  many  excuses  for  physical,  mental  and 
moral  lethargy ;  and  in  their  attempt  to  separate,  they  precipitated  a 
conflict  in  which  history  repeated  itself,  and  freedom  came  out  trium- 
phant ;  thus  what  sprung  from  the  seeds  of  tyranny  and  oppression, 
left  scattered  here  and  there  by  those  who  made  that  broad  declaration, 
have  been  finally  uprooted,  and  never  more  can  take  root  and  flourish 
under  the  scorching  blaze  of  freedom's  noontide  sun. 

That  physical,  mental  and  spiritual  lethargy  was  the  condition  of 
the  South  under  the  system  of  slavery  all  statistics  touching  this  point 
indisputably  attest ;  and  the  verdict  of  fifty  years  will  pronounce  the 
abolition  of  their  system  the  greatest  blessing  God  has  yet  vouchsafed 
them  ;  it  has  opened  the  door  of  progress  for  all  things,  material  and 
spiritual,  and  has  rescued  from  the  barbaric  chains  of  the  past  a  country 
more  favored  by  God,  in  the  bestowal  of  natural  advantages,  than  any 
other  on  the  face  of  the  globe. 

The  general  love  of  freedom,  because  it  is  an  inherent  right,  is  one 
of  the  first  evidences  the  soul  presents  that  it  is  growing  from  the  boun- 
daries and  control  of  the  material,  from  which  it  sprang,  into  those  of  the 
spiritual  toward  which  it  tends.  When  this  love  first  takes  root  the 
soul  has  attained  that  degree  of  development  wherein  the  spiritual  has 
the  superior  control  of  the  individual,  resulting  from  the  predominance 
of  the  spiritual  over  the  material. 

The  fact  that  the  general  sentiment  of  the  country  demanded  that 
slavery  should  no  longer  exist  within  its  boundaries,  is  a  very  signifi- 
cant one,  when  considered  in  connection  with  the  tendencies  and  proph- 
ecies of  the  present ;  it  shows  that  the  capacity  and  desire  for  freedom 
is  being  rapidly  developed  in  the  human  soul ;  it  indicates  that  the 
mind  begins  to  appreciate  what  freedom  really  guarantees  to  its  vota- 
ries in  its  broadest  signification ;  it  begins  to  recognize  the  glorious  truth 
that  every  soul  will,  sooner  or  later,  demand  and  receive  all  its  rights. 

The  demands  of  public  sentiment,  which  have  already  resulted  in 
modifications  of  the  constitution  of  the  country,  will  not  stop  at  the  door 
of  African  slavery,  which  it  has  thrown  wide  open ;  there  are  many 
other  systems  of  slavery  still  left  to  be  abolished  ;  while  they  do  not 
all  enslave  the  body,  they  so  fetter  the  soul  and  the  mind,  that  their  in- 
fluence is  even  more  pernicious  and  galling  than  the  enslavement  of  the 
body. 

The  African  slave,  toiling  under  the  burning  sun  in  the  cotton, 
rice  and  sugar  plantations  of  the  South,  was  virtually  in  possession  of 
more  freedom  of  soul  than  are  many  of  the  white  race,  even  in  our  own 


230  TENDENCIES   AND   PROPHECIES   OF  THE   PRESENT   AGE. 

i 

midst  Look  into  these  things,  and  see  if,  while  you  have  "  cast  the 
mote  out  of  your  brother's  eye,"  you  have  not  a  "beam"  in  your  own; 
these,  however  numerous,  will  in  turn  and  time  demand  of  the  people 
and  of  the  government,  when  in  its  province,  such  attention  as  may  be 
required  to  extend  freedom  in  all  directions  where  "life,  liberty  and 
the  pursuit  of  happiness  "  legitimately  lead. 

The  history  of  the  past  as  well  as  the  tendencies  of  the  present 
prophecy  with  distinctness  and  positiveness  that  the  demand  will  soon 
go  out,  not  only  for  a  government  founded  on  equal  rights  to  all,  but 
whose  laws  shall  be  administered  with  justice  and  equity,  guaranteeing 
freedom  of  body,  mind  and  soul  to  every  living  intelligence. 

From  evidences  rapidly  accumulating,  it  is  believed  that  this  coun- 
try is  ripening  for  such  a  form  and  administration  of  government ;  but 
in  the  present  condition  of  society  and  of  servitude  to  its  customs,  the 
imperfect  and  partial  manner  of  arriving  at  representation,  and  of  mak- 
ing and  administering  law,  such  a  reform  cannot  be  inaugurated ;  that 
is  to  say,  although  such  a  reform  would  be  acceptable  to  and  welcomed 
by'  the  country,  and  will  soon  be  demanded  by  it,  as  yet  it  is  impossible 
to  organize  an  effort,  strictly  within  itself,  that  could  effect  it,  because 
there  is  not  a  sufficient  concentration  of  understanding  upon  the  require- 
ments to  be  met,  nor  of  wisdom  enough  to  draft  for  these  requirements 
adequate  laws  and  forms  of  administration.  Were  such  a  code  prepared 
and  submitted  to  the  people,  do  you  think  it  would  be  rejected  ? 

In  the  earlier  days  of  the  republic  legislation  seems  to  have  been 
conducted  upon  constitutional  principles ;  but  in  these  latter  days  it  has 
so  far  departed  from  its  seeming  mainsprings  of  action  that  it  is  safe  to 
assert  that  legislation,  founded  strictly  upon  considerations  of  principles 
of  justice  and  right,  is  unknown  in  the  land.  If  sometimes  a  great  prin- 
ciple is  demonstrated  through  legislation,  it  will  invariably  b,e  found t 
upon  strict  investigation,  that  the  legislation  was  not  predicated  upon 
the  principle,  but  upon  some  personal  or  party  benefit  expected  to  flow 
therefrom ;  the  principle,  therefore,  stands  under  obligation  to  the  ex- 
pected benefit,  and  to  the  party  needing  it,  and  will  doubtless,  in  its  im- 
partial operations,  remember  them.  While  this  condition  is  a  perfectly 
legitimate  one,  flowing  from  adequate  producing  causes,  there  are  indi- 
vidual minds  and  souls,  by  thousands,  who  rise  in  their  capacities  forgov 
ernmentout  of  it,  and  demand  reform  and  the  essential  truth  of  Principle. 
Government  may  be  compared  to  an  individual  who,  having  com- 
mitted some  infringement  upon  the  law  of  justice,  is  impelled,  by  the 
position  it  forces  him  into,  to  continue  the  practice  to  sustain  himself 


TENDENCIES   AND   PROPHECIES   OF   THE   PRESENT  AGE.  231 

from  falling;  but  as  a  Astern  of  injustice  cannot  be  perpetual,  fail  he 
must,  sooner  or  later ;  and  the  longer  it  is  delayed,  the  more  complete 
will  be  the  wreck  and  ruin  when  it  comes ; — as  with  the  individual,  so  it 
must  be  with  the  State.  Once  started  upon  a  system  of  law-making 
and  executing  not  founded  upon  principles  of  justice  and  right,  the 
course  must  be  pursued  and  sustained  by  further  enactments,  either  to 
cover  the  deformities  of  the  previous  proceeding  or  hide  its  purposes, 
and  unless  righteous  judgment  come  to  the  rescue  before  the  course  has 
led  to  wide-spread  and  apparent  corruption  throughout  all  its  channels 
of  administration,  it  must  eventually  culminate  in  the  downfall  of  the 
government,  if  not  in  the  destruction  of  the  nation. 

Policy,  not  principle,  is  the  ruling  power  behind  all  present  legisla- 
tion. Policy,  inevitably  and  indiscriminately,  leads  to  corruption.  Corrup- 
tion, obeying  the  inherent  laws  of  its  own  nature,  untouched  by  and  be- 
yond the  control  of  the  enactments  that  first  gave  it  life  and  afterward  fos- 
tered its  growth,  most  culminate  in  certain  destruction  to  all  parts  in- 
volved, whether  it  be  within  the  body  human,  the  body  corporate  or 
the  body  politic. 

Did  the  Republican  party,  as  a  party,  desire  the  freedom  of  the 
negro  simply  and  solely  because  it  was  one  of  his  natural  rights  ?  Would 
freedom  have  been  extended  to  him  by  that  party  had  it  been 
positively  known  that  all  his  influence  would  be  used  against  it? 
Or  would  the  Democratic  party,  as  a  party,  have  opposed  the  enfran- 
chisement of  the  negro  had  it  been  known  that  he  would  become  its 
political  ally? 

Judging  from  the  indices  of  the  past,  it  is  fair  to  suspect,  at  least, 
if  not  to  conclude,  that  the  Republican  party  is  expecting  another  such 
exigency  as  existed  when  it  was  found  politic  to  extend  freedom  and 
suffrage  to  the  negro  ;  and  in  the  question  of  female  suffrage,  for  which 
the  demand  is  now  being  earnestly  made,  there  is  but  little  doubt  that 
it  sees  another  means  of  salvation  in  the  future,  and  seeks  to  postpone 
the  question  until  the  exigency  shall  become  more  imminent  and  dan- 
gerous. It  may  be  argued  that  the  Republican  party  was  organized 
upon  the  principles  of  freedom.  If  this  were  wholly  true,  it  would  be 
also  true  that  it  had  no  sooner  become  a  party  in  power  than  it  resolved 
itself  into  a  tribunal  to  define  the  limits  for  the  application  of  the  very 
principles  that  had  placed  it  in  power ;  thereby  endeavoring  to  prosti- 
tute the  principle  to  subserviency  to  the  policy  of  its  leaders,  instead  of 
calmly  and  firmly  following  where  it  would  legitimately  lead  ;  like  all 


232  TENDENCIES   AND    PROPHECIES    OF    THE    PRESENT    AGE. 

parties  and  sects,  of  previous  origin,  it  built  upon  a  principle,  and  then, 
instead  of  wisely  following,  recklessly  attempted  to  guide  it. 

With  all  the  prestige  of  possession,  and  of  being  the  acknowledged 
representative  of  the  principle  which  had  carried  it  into  power,  the  re- 
sult of  the  late  elections  began  to  be  feared  by  the  party,  because  its 
leaders  knew  they  had  driven  it  from  its  birthright,  and  led  it  after 
strange  gods  ;  and,  had  the  opposing  party  been  actuated  by  true  pro 
gressive  principles  of  justice,  no  man,  however  popular  in  himself,  could 
have  saved  it  from  destruction. 

Conscious  of  having  departed  from  the  principles  that  gave  it 
power,  the  Eepublican  party  is  even  now  seeking  every  means  within 
its  grasp  to  fortify  itself  behind  measures  looking  solely  to  success  in 
'72  ;  but  it  is  prophesied  that  ere  that  time  there  will  have  sprung  into 
existence  another  party  that  will  not  be  the  mere  professed  representa- 
tive of  freedom  and  equal  rights  to  all,  but  the  actual,  living,  moving, 
irresistible  incarnation  of  those  principles. 

The  lines  of  policy  pursued  by  party  leaders,  and  the  channels  of 
corruption  opened  by  the  executive  officers  of  the  government,  have 
produced  a  result  so  wide-spread  in  its  influence  and  ramifications  that, 
instead  of  their  being  under  the  control  of  the  government,  they  exert 
a  vast  if  not  controlling  power  over  all  its  actions ;  it  is  not  necessary 
to  go  beyond  its  own  records  to  establish  this  fact ,  every  newspaper  in 
the  country  teems  with  evidence  in  point ;  the  clergy  have  deemed  the 
situation  dangerous  enough  to  hurl  the  anathemas  of  the  Church  against 
it ;  the  dramatist  and  the  artist,  the  poet  and  the  philosopher,  have  each 
dealt  his  blow,  while  the  "  toiling  millions  "  everywhere  cry  for  reform. 

So  general  and  earnest  has  the  demand  for  reform  become  that 
something  must  be  done ;  the  gathering  masses  of  corruption  all  over 
the  body  will  soon  have  ripened  to  bursting;  and  who  can  tell  how 
much  the  body  itself  has  become  involved.  May  it  not  be  feared  that 
it  does  not  possess  sufficient  recuperative  purity  and  strength  to  stand 
the  shock  ?  Could  the  enlightened  mental,  moral  and  spiritual  elements 
of  the  country  which  are  possessed  by  those  who  stand  in  the  front  ranks 
of  the  advancing  column  of  progress  be  combined  into  organized  action, 
they  might  be  able  to  arrest  the  abnormal  growth  of  corruption,  and, 
by  strengthening  and  stimulating  the  sound  members  of  the  body  to 
co-operative  action,  restore  the  whole  system  to  its  normal  condition. 

The  machinery  of  the  government  has  become  so  complex  and  un- 
wieldy--so  full  of  departmental  and  petty  offices — that  it  is  utterly  beyond 


TENDENCIES   AND    PROPHECIES    OF   THE    PiiESENT   AGE.  233' 

the  power  of  one  man.  though  he  be  "  a  great  and  mighty  President,"  to 
understand  and  control  it  . 

The  tendencies  of  the  government  being  dangerous  to  the  liberties 
of  the  people;  theii  demand  for  reform  is  earnest,  and  must  be  heeded. 
But  where  will  reformation  begin  ?  To  whom  must  we  look  for  relief? 
If  we  go  to  Congress  with  the  Constitution  in  our  hands,  and  demand 
such  legislation  as  would  give  practical  efficiency  to  the  preamble  and 
charter  of  freedom,  they  may  possibly  pay  sufficient  attention  to  the 
subject  to  pass  a  joint  resolution  setting  forth  that,  while  certain  inalien- 
able rights  seem  to  be  guaranteed  to  all,  still  Congress  must  be  the  dis- 
pensing power  and  judge  of  its  application ;  and  that  it  has  decided 
that  the  negro  shall  be  the  first  on  the  list — next,  perhaps,  the  Indian 
may  come  in — next  the  Chinaman,  and  all  the  ends  of  the  earth — ex- 
cept woman.  Yes,  go  to  Congress  for  relief  from  onerous  taxes,  wrung 
from  the  blood  and  bones  of  the  laboring  poor  to  fill  the  coffers  of  gov- 
ernment vampires,  and  they  will  answer  you  by  passing  some  new 
Revenue  Act,  in  whose  cunningly  prepared  articles  will  be  found  traps 
set  for  the  people's  money,  which  the  trained  bands  of  political  party 
secretly  manage  on  joint  account  for  themselves  and  their  party  leaders ; 
it  will  answer  you  by  granting  new  subsidies  to  corporations  already 
grown  rich  from  the  fruits  of  the  labor  of  the  people ;  by  granting  to 
powerful  monopolies  still  further  privileges  increasing  their  power 
through  bribery  and  corruption  to  make  subordinate  the  welfare  of  the 
country  to  their  own  selfish  purposes,  and  by  favoring  all  schemes  for 
the  centralization  of  power.  Such  being  the  answers  to  your  demands, 
there  is  still  a  tribunal  to  which  you  can  appeal,  which  in  all  time  past 
has  heard  and  answered  the  demands  of  the  age. 

In  the  system  of  special  and  class  legislation  causes  of  corruption 
and  the  downfall  of  governments  may  always  be  found  ;  it  is  the  bane 
of  the  nations,  whence  flows  that  subtle,  entrancing  poison  that  perme- 
ates all  the  arteries  and  veins  of  a  country — so  quietly  and  alluringly  to 
the  people,  that,  before  its  effects  are  suspected,  the  vital  principle  of 
the  government  is  destroyed,  and  the  lifeless  form  finally  falls  to  rise 
no  more  forever  ;  or,  if  the  spiritless  form  iie  still  upheld  by  the  usurper, 
it  is  only  retained  as  "a  cheat  and  a  delusion "  to  shield  the  person  of 
the  tyrant  who  has  enslaved  his  victims  in  the  name  and  under  the 
guise  of  liberty. 


23-i  TENDENCIES  AND   PROPHECIES   OF  THE   PRESENT  AGE. 


TENDENCIES  AND  PROPHECIES  OF  THE  PRESENT  AGK 

[Revised  from  the  American  Workman  of  Oct.  16,  1870.] 


NO.   II. 

The  subject  of  government  and  the  solution  of  all  its  difficulties 
seem  to  hinge  upon  the  question,  Where  does  God's  government  drop 
its  sway  (if  it  does  so  at  all),  and  where  does  man  take  it  up,  on  his  own 
account,  by  inherent  natural  right,  guaranteed  to  him  by  the  law  that 
gave  him  being  ?  The  only  modification  of  this  question  required  to- 
be  considered  is,  How  far  man  is  or  can  be  the  authorized,  competent 
agent  of  the  Almighty  in  working  out  His  purposes?  To  solve  all 
these  questions  it  becomes  necessary  to  determine  what  the  fundamental 
principles  of  government  must  be,  to  be  in  harmony  with  the  laws  of 
God,  and  to  adopt  them  and  to  follow  them  out  to  all  their  legitimate 
conclusions  and  results,  discarding  everything  else.  In  such  govern- 
ment and  legislation  the  eternal  principles  of  right,  which  are  God's, 
laws,  are  in  full  force  and  effect,  and  man,  thus  far,  an  authorized  com- 
petent agent  in  the  administration  of  His  decrees  in  the  material  world. 

Whether  a  government  founded  or  administered  upon  any  other 
basis  than  the  eternal  principles  of  right  and  justice  can  or  cannot  be 
enduring,  is  a  proposition  the  simplest  mind  may  solve.  Progress  is 
from  the  lower  to  the  higher  ;  in  its  certain  and  irresistible  march  all 
systems  and  things  that  have  risen  out  of  the  circumstances  of  the  times 
to  which  they  belong  will  be  swept  away  to  make  room  for  the  new 
and  the  better ;  but  principles  and  self-evident  truths  that  were  contained 
in  such  systems  will  endure  to  be  incorporated  into  all  future  systems. 

There  can  be  no  higher  form  of  expression  than  that  life,  liberty 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness  are  "inalienable"  rights  to  all;  and,  being 
such,  it  is  safe  to  assume  that  it  will  always  remain  as  a  fundamental 
proposition  in  the  organic  law  of  this  country  ;  and  legislation  will  bo 
required  to  guide  itself  by  it,  instead  of  being  its  exponent 


TENDENCIES   AND   PROPHECIES   OF   THE   PRESENT   AGE.  235 

Change  upon  change  will  come  in  the  future,  as  it  has  in  the  past, 
until  government  will  become  so  simplified  as  to  have  for  its  founda- 
tion nothing  but  an  annunciation  of  general  principles  of  justice  and 
equity,  as  self-evident  truths  upon  which  all  legislation  must  be  based. 

Passing,  for  a  time,  the  consideration  of  the  principles  of  govern- 
ment, it  may  be  well  to  inquire  into  the  injustice  of  some  of  its  present 
details.  All  men,  and  women,  too,  are  lorn  free  and  equal,  entitled  to 
certain  natural  rights,  which  no  government  has  the  right  to  take  from 
them.  While  every  man  and  woman  is  a  result  of  the  general  law  of 
procreation,  there  are  distinguishing  points  peculiar  to  each,  which  ren- 
ders every  one  different  from  every  other  •  thus  no  two  persons  can  be 
so  precisely  alike  as  to  make  their  individuality  the  same  ;  consequently 
no- two  persons  are  governed  by  the  same  internal  and  external  main- 
springs of  action  and  influence.  Let  the  same  power  and  influence  be 
exerted  upon  different  individuals,  no  matter  how  nearly  they  may 
resemble  each  other,  different  results  will  flow  from  each,  the  character 
of  which  will  be  absolutely  determined  by  the  status  of  the  develop- 
ment of,  and  the  relations  between  the  material,  and  spiritual  elements 
represented  in  the  individuals  acted  upon.  No  argument  is  needed  to 
prove  this  proposition  ;  and  the  legitimate  deduction  to  be  drawn  from 
it  is,  that  no  judgment  of  the  action  of  the  individual,  by  others,  is  just 
that  does  not  take  into  consideration  all  the  various  points  in  character 
and  influence  under  which  action  is  produced. 

It  must  not  be  forgotten  that  all  thought  and  action  on  the  part 
of  an  individual  is  the  legitimate  result  of  some  competent  producing 
cause,  operating  by  natural  law.  The  cause  being  competent,  the  law 
of  operation  natural,  and  the  result  consequently  legitimate,  can  another's- 
idea  of  right  step  in  to  sit  in  judgment  over  the  action,  and  render  a 
verdict  of  justice  to  the  actor?  Or,  can  any  number  of  individuals  de- 
termine what  the  demands  of  justice  are  which  God  himself  has  declared 
by  the  mouth  of  all  His  holy  prophets,  material  and  spiritual.  "  Judg- 
ment is  mine ;  I  will  repay,  saith  the  Lord." 

No  one  can  hope  to  escape  the  judgments  of  the  eternal  law,  or  to 
hide  himself  from  God's  officers  of  justice  ;  but  must  by  them  be 
brought  before  its  stern,  undeviating  bar,  to  receive  its  unpardonable 
sentence.  But,  says  the  objector,  this  does  not  satisfy  me,  who  have 
suffered  from  the  offence.  What  if  it  does  not  satisfy  you  ?  God  is 
satisfied ;  and  are  you  greater  than  He,  that  you  may  question  His  jus- 
tice ?  If  you  are  not  yet  satisfied,  God  will  most  surely  satisfy  you  in. 
His  own  good  time. 


236  TENDENCIES   AND    PROPHECIES    OF   THE    PRESENT   AGE. 

Look  into  your  statutes,  and  within  them,  find  their  own 
stultification.  They  assert  that  no  criminal  shall  be  subjected  to  two 
trials  and  penalties  for  the  same  offence ;  but,  in  the  face  of  this  right- 
eous rule,  and  with  the  positive  knowledge  that  God  has  already  tried, 
convicted  and  sentenced  the  murderer,  the  courts  of  the  country  take 
possession  and  control  of  the  criminal,  proceed  to  try,  convict,  condemn 
and  hang  him  by  the  neck  until  he  is  dead.  Rest  assured  God  will  not 
overlook  this  attempt  of  yours  to  forestall  his  judgments. 

"We  stop  here  to  make  a  broad  assertion  :  For  man  to  affix  certain 
definite  penalties  as  punishment  for  so-called  crime  is  to  arrogate  to 
himself  what  alone  belongs  to  God ! 

Stumbling-blocks  are  constantly  found  in  the  path  of  progressr 
against  which  the  earnest  traveler  finds  himself  precipitated ;  these  con- 
sist of  the  ideas  of  the  past,  clothed  with  form  and  expression,  and 
which  were  set  up  by  their  conceive rs  as  "  guides  and  lights  "  of  their 
times,  for  those  who  groped  their  way  by  such  assistance.  The  earnest 
seeker  after  liglr  finds  these  set  up  all  along  his  path,  declaring  "  thus- 
far  shalt  thoii  go,  and  no  farther  ;"  but  he,  catching  a  glimpse  of  the 
light  so  bright  beyond,  clears  the  obstruction  by  a  single  bound,  and 
goes  on  his  way  rejoicing,  seldom  deeming  it  his  duty  to  turn  upon  and 
cast  what  to  him  was  but  a  hindrance  from  the  path  of  progress,  so  that 
others  coming  that  way  should  not  encounter  it,  who  perhaps  might 
lack  the  power  to  surmount  it  "  Let  your  light  shine  "  so  that  those 
who  come  after  you  may  be  aided  thereby. 

A  single  argument  upon  the  question  of  the  relations  between 
debtor  and  creditor,  which  is  maintained  by  the  present  ]aws,  will 
be  sufficient  to  illustrate  the  whole  subject  of  customs,  authorities  and 
laws,  which  are  obstructions  in  the  path  of  progress.  The  time  was 
when  imprisonment  for  debt  was  authorized  by  law  in  all  the  States  of 
this  land  of  freedom  (?) ;  but  the  spirit  of  progressive  justice  has  been 
at  work  until  but  few  of  the  States  now  retain  this  libel  upon  Christian 
civilization  to  disgrace  their  statutes.  Imprisonment  for  debt !  What 
good  ever  resulted  from  it?  The  malignity  of  the  creditor  may  have 
satisfied  itself  by  still  further  humiliating  the  broken  spirits  of  the 
debtor;  but  the  creditor,  by  such  action,  places  it  still  further 
beyond  the  power  of  the  unfortunate  debtor  to  satisfy  the  demand. 
It  is  asserted,  without  fear  of  successful  contradiction;  that  the  same 
deleterious  effects  generally  flow  from  all  similar  laws.  All  kinds  of 
crime  are  but  species  of  debt,  and  the  same  rule  applies  with  about  the 
same  force  to  its  laws  and  penalties.  Imprisonment  for  debt  has  been 


TENDENCIES   AND   PROPHECIES   OF   THE   PKESENT  AGE.  237 

pretty  generally  abolished,  but  still  our  statute  books  are  laden  with 
laws  to  enforce  collection. 

A  philosopher  and  economist,  not  long  ago,  fully  investigated  the 
relations  between  debtor  and  creditor,  and  the  practical  results  of  the 
laws  now  in  force,  and  arrived  at  the  "  deliberate  conclusion  "  that  the 
costs  attending  the  attempts  to  collect  debts  by  legal  process  were  three 
times  the  amount  collected ;  not  a  very  flattering  commentary  upon  the 
policy  of  the  law,  and  certainly  not  a  paying  investment  to  the  crediting 
part  of  our  community.  This  conclusion  may  at  first  thought  appear 
fallacious ;  but  when  the  expensiveness  of  courts,  and  the  immense  in- 
comes of  lawyers  who  practice  at  their  bars,  are  considered,  the  after- 
thought will  fully  sustain  the  conclusion.  Tt  is  believed  \>y  many  that 
if  there  were  no  laws  at  all  to  enforce  collection,  there  would  be  many 
less  bad  debts ;  even  now  a  debt  of  honor  is  held  by  public  opinion  to 
have  precedence  of  those  which  the  law  claims  the  right  to  enforce. 

The  thinker  of  ordinary  capacity  will  see  at  a  glance  that  an  im- 
mense amount  of  labor  would  be  withdrawn  from  the  courts,  which  now 
bears  heavily  upon  the  people,  not  only  in  the  form  of  taxes  to  pay  for 
court-houses,  jury-rooms  and  judges'  salaries,  but  in  the  waste  of  time 
employed  in  jury-boxes  by  men  dragged  from  their  inevitable  toil,  and 
held  as  prisoners,  while  their  wives  and  children  are  often  suffering, 
and  even  dying,  from  the  want  of  their  care  and  attention  at  home. 
Contracts  should  be  so  well  defined  as  to  admit  of  no  misunderstanding ; 
and  if  there  was  no  method  of  collection  and  enforcement,  there  would 
be  very  many  less  disagreements ;  hence,  in  no  light  in  which  it  can  be 
viewed,  does  our  present  system  commend  itself  to  the  wisdom  and  jus- 
tice of  the  reflecting  ;  on  the  contrary,  it  throws  open  the  door  for  cun- 
ning and  knavery  to  enter  to  test  their  strength  through  technical. eva- 
sions and  blind  inferences,  practiced,  on  the  unwary  and  ignorant  by  the 
"  Quirks,  the  Gammons  and  the  Snaps"  who,  as  vampires  of  the  time- 
honored  profession  they  disgrace,  feed  and  fatten  upon  the  misfortunes 
of  the  deluded,  long-forbearing,  long-suffering  children  of  toil. 

It  may  be  safely  asserted  that  a  very  large  part  of  all  law  contained 
within  the  statutes  of  the  world,  when  analyzed,  will  present  about  the 
same  deleterious  results  in  practice  and  in  the  opportunities  presented 
for  infringement  and  subsequent  evasion  of  their  penalties  that  inevita- 
bly flow  from  all  laws  for  the  collection  of  debts. 

The  time  has  probably  not  yet  come  for  the  abolishment  of  all  such 
laws,  but  the  time  has  come  when  the  relations  of  individual  debtors 
and  creditors  should  be  left  to  the  central  of  general  principles  of  jus- 


23&  TENDENCIES    AND    PROPHECIES   OF   THE    PRESENT   AGE. 

tice,  which  declare  that  a  contract  once  fairly  made,  an  obligation  once 
fairly  incurred,  can  never  be  discharged  until  satisfaction  shall  have 
been  entered  upon  the  record  by  divine  justice. 


TENDENCIES  AND  PROPHECIES   OF  THE  PRESENT  AGE. 
[Revised  from  the  American  Workman  of  Oct.  30,  1870.] 


NO.    III. 


When  it  is  considered,  how  much  the  useful  portion  of  life  is  de- 
pendent upon  the  preparatory  part,  the  character  of  the  influences 
brought  to  bear  during  that  part,  and  the  manner  of  their  application, 
become  a  subject  of  deep  importance.  Education  has  received  the  most 
special  attention  from  scholars,  savans  and  professors ;  but  they  seem 
to  have  forgotten  or  to  have  ignored  the  fact  that  within  the  mind  is 
contained  the  germ  of  all  acquirements,  and  that  teaching  by  rule 
merely  what  others  have  said  or  written,  cramps  and  dwarfs  the  mind 
which,  under  a  more  natural  system,  would  more  rapidly  and  more 
healthfully  develop  its  latent  powers,  through  its  stimulated  efforts  to 
evolve  ideas  connected  with  such  facts  and  phenomena  as  may  be  ex- 
hibited to  it,  and  thus  become  a  part  of  the  mind  itself. 

Instead  of  training  the  mind  to  rely  upon  method,  books  and  au- 
thorities as  rules,  it  should  be  encouraged  to  form  methods  of  its  own. 
The  mind  should  be  questioned,  and  its  answers  listened  to,  instead  of 
being  furnished  by  the  teacher. 

The  mode  proposed  has  many  decided  advantages.  It  inspires 
self-reliance,  disciplines  the  mind  to  think  for  itself,  accustoms  it  to  ex- 
press its  own  conclusions  in  its  own  chosen  language,  leads  to  clear  and 
comprehensive  forms  of  expression,  gives  decision  and  confidence,  and 
tends  to  produce  individuality  of  thought  and  character. 

The  Children's  Progressive  Lyceum,  instituted  upon  this  idea,  has 
already  been  inaugurated,  and  should  receive  the  careful  and  unpreju- 


TENDENCIES   AND    PROPHECIES    OF   THE    PRESENT   AGE.  289 

diced  attention  of  all  interested  in  educational  reform.  Children  who 
have  been  under  this  system  but  a  few  months  are  able  to  stand  before 
an  audience,  and,  in  a  clear  and  comprehensive  manner,  speak  without 
embarrassment  upon  any  subject  comprehended  by  their  minds.  The 
coming  generations  will  acknowledge  a  debt  of  gratitude  to  the  founder 
of  this  system  which  no  depth  of  respect  or  reverence  could  fully  ex- 
press. 

No  proposition  can  be  made  which  will  be  more  readily  accepted 
by  the  general  progressive  mind  than  that,  as  the  world  advances  in 
knowledge  and  wisdom,  its  general  welfare  becomes  more  and  more 
dependent  upon  reciprocal  interests;  that  is  to  say,  as  persons  and 
nations  become  more  and  better  individualized,  their  reliance  upon  in- 
terests outside  of  themselves  becomes  more  positively  and  distinctlv 
defined ;  thus  a  system  of  mutual  dependence  and  reciprocal  interests 
is  every  day  being  more  widely  inaugurated,  which  will  continue  to 
spread  until  the  whole  world  will  be  brought  into.harmonious  co-opera- 
tion. This  is  commerce!  Commerce,  to  the  material  world,  is  what 
thought  is  to  the  spiritual — interchange  and  exchange  of  material  pro- 
duct in  the  one  and  of  spiritual  in  the  other — hence  no  restrictions  or 
embargoes  should  be  placed  on  the  one  which  would  not  be  legitimate 
if  placed  upon  the  other.  The  dependence  and  independence  of  each 
is  mutual  and  general. 

Restrictions  upon  commerce  is  a  system  of  commercial  slavery, 
flowing  from  politic  and  special  legislation,  and  is  in  violation  of  the 
eternal  principles  of  right,  because  it  renders  equality  in  interchange 
impossible.  If  it  is  the  right  principle  to  restrict  commerce  between 
nations,  it  extends  to  States,  to  cities  and  to  individuals  as  well. 

Under  the  rule  of  an  unrestricted  commercial  intercourse  through- 
out the  world,  the  principle  of  supply  and  demand  would  control  the 
movements  of  commerce  without  the  aid  of  legislation ;  and,  when  once 
fully  established,  it  would  give  stability  and  security  to  production 
everywhere.  The  products  of  the  world  entering  into  commerce  would 
localize  themselves  where  they  naturally  belong — where  most  could  be 
produced  with  the  least  labor ;  and,  population  obeying  the  laws  of 
equalization,  would  adjust  itself  to  the  demands  of  the  respective  in- 
terests of  productive  labor.  This  is  a  vast  problem,  in  the  solution  of 
which  the  whole  world  is  vitally  interested,  and  one  which,  sooner  or 
later,  must  be  solved.  If  its  solution  were  possible  noiv,  coming  gen- 
erations would  look  back  and  bless  us  for  the  solving.  An  international 
congress  should  be  called  to  consider  the  subject,  and  to  take  proper 


240  TENDENCIES   AND    PROPHECIES   OF   THE    PRESENT   AGE. 

measures  for  the  inauguration  of  a  system  of  general  economy  in  pro- 
duction and  consumption.  The  prophecies  of  the  age  point  to  this  as 
a  reform  of  sufficient  magnitude  to  demand  the  immediate  attention  of  the 
nations,  and  to  call  for  a  Christ  to  rise  up  for  their  salvation  more  pow- 
erful than  the  Democratic  Party. 

The  political,  national  or  personal  advantages  which  are  supposed 
to  flow  from  restraints  upon  '  commerce,  have  nothing  to  do  with  the 
question  of  general  reform.  While  it  is  the  duty  of  every  nation  and 
every  individual  person  to  press  forward  the  work  of  reform  upon  gen- 
eral principles,  each  nation  and  person  must  always  keep  in  view  the 
law  of  self-preservation^  otherwise  individuality  will  be  lost  in  the  strug- 
gle for  supremacy,  which  has  hitherto  characterized  the  legislation  of 
nations  and  the  conduct  of  individual  persons.  The  great  principle  of 
unrestricted  universal  commerce  can  only  be  practically  established  by 
universal  acquiescence  in  its  wisdom  and  justice.  When  legislation 
shall  conform  itself  to  general  principles,  instead  of  sectional,  local  or 
personal  policy,  and  when  its  cour.se  shall  be  shaped  by  such  broad  ac- 
tion, it  may  be  safely  prophesied  that  the  government  it  represents  will 
be  perfect  and  perpetual.  Commerce  will  then  obey  the  law  of  prog- 
ress, and  rise  from  the  petty  policies  of  nations,  which  strangle  its  de- 
velopment and  limit  its  benefits :  it  will  rise  to  be  conducted  upon  the 
dignity  of  principle,  untrarnmeled  by  policy  ;  and  on  this  platform  the 
world  will  unite  in  harmonious  prosperity  under  a  universal  govern- 
ment, not  limited  even  by  the  boundaries  between  the  material  and  the 
spiritual  world. 

Underlying  all  advancement  and  prosperity,  material  and  spiritual, 
is  action — motion — which,  guided  by  intellect,  results  in  labor,  without 
which  the  world  would  be  as  though  man  had  never  been ;  for  no  form 
of  creature  below  him  has  ever  left  permanent  artificial  beauty,  systems 
of  economy  or  usefulness  as  the  result  of  its  workings,  except  in  so  far 
as  the  form  itself  may  be  accounted  such. 

What,  in  two  hundred  years,  has  so  changed  the  face  of  this  coun- 
try from  the  wilderness  it  was  to  the  teeming  garden  it  is,  dotted  all 
over  with  the  habitations  of  men  ?  AVhat  has  produced  the  floating 
palaces  that  everywhere  walk  its  deep  waters  "like  a  thing  of  life?  " 
What  has  united  all  its  distant  parts  by  iron  bands,  along  whose  guiding 
lines  those  other  representatives  of  art  and  motion  speed,  almost  out- 
stripping the  wind?  What  has  overcome  time  and  space,  and  is  now 
extending  its  arms  to  embrace  the  globe,  that  we  may  speak,  and  that 
the  ends  of  the  earth  answer  our  call  ?  Marvelous  demonstration  of 


TENDENCIES   AND   PROPHECIES   OF  TIIE   PKESENT   AGE.  241 

the  rapidly  growing  mutual  and  reciprocal  dependence  of  the  children 
of  men !  What  has  made  the  wilderness  to  blossom  as  the  rose  ?  What 
has  achieved  all  these  glorious,  god-like  results  ?  Labor !  labor  !  labor  I 
physical,  mental  and  spiritual  labor ! 

Labor,  therefore,  is  the  fulcrum  of  the  great  lever  of  progress,  lift- 
ing humanity  from  the  material  up  to  the  spiritual  realm.  One  short 
century  ago  nearly  all  physical  labor  was  performed  by  the  hands  of 
man.  Since  then  the  mind  has  come  up  to  the  work,  and  rescued  the 
body  from  the  laborious  servitude  of  former  times  ;  and  now  a  single 
mind,  directing  a  single  machine,  produces  an  hundred-fold  more  than 
it  could  when  acting  through  its  own  personal  machine.  Thejiiventive 
powers  of  the  mind  will  continue  to  produce  more  labor-saving  machines 
until  labor  directly  with  the  hand  will  be  almost,  perhaps  entirely, 
supersede*  1. 

The  products  of  the  mind,  when  compared  with  purely  physical 
labor,  are  of  inestimable  value,  and  the  great  distinction  everywhere 
recognized  in  their  relative  compensations  is  still  too  limited.  No  ar- 
gument is  needed  to  establish  the  dignity  of  labor ;  it  has  established 
itself  in  becoming  the  architect  of  the  great  future,  by  building  the  past 
and  the  present. 

Out  of  the  multiform  phases  of  labor,  questions  will  arise  which 
will  require  for  their  adjustment  equitable  rules  of  compensation ;  the 
best  talent  in  the  world  can  find  ample  scope  for  useful  employment  in 
the  solution  of  the  numerous  problems  growing1-  out  of  this  vast  subject 
Labor — physical,  mental  and  spiritual — finding  itself  in  a  position  of  in- 
justice, is  in  a  state  of  constant  irritation  and  discontent,  and  legitimately 
seeks  redress  through  the  organization  of  associations  to  control  its 
price  ;  but  it  is  at  least  questionable  whether  such  combinations  have 
been  productive  of  any  permanently  beneficial  results.  If  it  could  be 
perceived  and  comprehended,  there  must  be,  in  the  nature  of  things, 
perfect  and  complete  harmony  in  the  practical  operation  of  all  the  work- 
ing elements  or  agencies,  not  only  in  this  world,  but  in  the  boundless 
universe. 

This  problem  may  find  a  practical  solution  in  co-operative  labor 
associations,  in  which  the  members  share  equally  the  profits  upon  what 
they  produce. 

Suppose  the  entire  labor  of  the  country  were  conducted  upon  this 

just  principle,  what  would  be  the  result?     The  rapidly  accumulating 

wealth  of  the  country  is  the  result  of  labor  ;  if  the  united  labor  of  the 

country,  producing  this  increase,  should  henceforward  share  it  equally, 

16 


242  TENDENCIES   AND    PROPHECIES    OF   THE    I'KKSENT   AGE. 

the  result,  in  time,  would  be  the  equalization  of  the  wealth  of  the  coun- 
try, which  is  now  rapidly  growing  into  a  necessity,  to  modify  the  luxu- 
rious habits  of  the  rich  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  crying  evils  of  pov- 
erty on  the  other,  which  are  rapidly  engendering  an  antagonism, 
which  will  continue  to  increase  in  volume  and  intensity  until  it  will 
culminate  in  a  storm  that  will  consume  the  elements  of  discord  in  the 
same  manner  (and  upon  the  same  immutable  principles)  by  which  Af- 
rican slavery  was  abolished  in  the  Southern  States  of  this  Union. 

A  careful  investigation  of  the  co-operative  principle  will  show  that 
it  is  not  only  possible,  but  perfectly  simple  and  practicable,  and  that  it 
is  full  of  glorious  prophecy  to  the  vast  numbers  who  are  now  ''ground 
to  the  earth  "  by  the  condition  of  actual  slavery  to  the  ordinary  demands 
of  nature  which  is  entailed  upon  them  from  generation  to  generation, 
through  the  operations  of  false  systems,  which  were  founded  upon  and 
which  are  sustained  by  injustice  and  usurpation. 

"While  viewing  this  subject  in  its  practical  aspects,  it.  must  not  be 
forgotten  that  it,  too,  is  intimately  connected  with  progress,  and  subject 
to  its  decrees. 

It  is  a  well-established  fact  that  the  powers  of  endurance  of  the 
physical  system  are  growing  less,  generation  after  generation,  while  the 
mental  power  is  increasing  in  about  the  same  ratio  ;  the  legitimate  de- 
duction from  this  fact  is  in  perfect  harmony  with  the  general  progres- 
sive tendency  of  all  things  leading  from  the  purely  physical  to  the  spir- 
itual, from  which  we  may  safely  prophecy  that  the  time  will  come 
when  all  labor  will  be  performed  by  the  mind,  and  when  it  shall  have 
acquired  perfect  dominion  over  the  material.  The  necessity  for  phys- 
ical endurance  will  then  have  ended.  The  tendency  to  such  a  condi- 
tion, though  it  has  been,  is,  and  may  continue  to  be  gradual,  is  never- 
theless positive  and  well-defined. 

Intimately  connected  with  the  subject  of  labor,  and  the  tendency 
to  perform  by  the  agency  of  inventions  what  still  devolves  upon  the 
direct  application  of  physical  strength,  is  that  of  supplying  the  demands 
of  the  body.  The  food  used  now  is  very  different  from  that  of  a  hun- 
dred years  ago.  Some  who  recognize  this  fact  argue  that  the  change 
of  diet  has  produced  the  change  in  the  physical  condition ;  but  reason- 
ing from  analogy,  and  applying  the  general  rules  of  progress,  leads  to 
the  conclusion  that  the  changes  in  the  relative  conditions  of  the  physi- 
cal and  mental,  by  which  the  latter  asserts'  superior  control,  have  ren- 
dered a  corresponding  change  of  diet  necessary ;  hence  it  is  fair  to  con- 
clude that  the  change  grows  out  of  the  necessities  of  the  consumer,  and 


TENDENCIES   AND   PROPHECIES   OF   THE   PRESENT   AGE.  243 

is  not  the  producing  cause  in  the  premises ;  in  other  and  general  termsr 
the  physical  system  demands  and  should  receive  appropriate  supplies. 

Hundreds  of  people  who  once  made  use  of  the  flesh  of  swine  have 
entirely  discarded  it  from  their  boards,  instinctively  feeling  that  it  does 
not  meet  their  present  demands,  and  there  is  a  growing  distaste  for  it 
Common  observation  shows  that  all  kinds  of  flesh  are  gradually  falling- 
into  disfavor,  especially  among  those  who  labor  mentally  or  are  de- 
voted to  spiritual  things. 

As  the  physical  system  is  gradually  being  relieved  of  labor  and 
the  consequent  waste  of  its  energies,  the  character  of  food  it  requires 
necessarily  changes,  and  in  the  place  of  physical  strength  to  be  supplied 
is  that  upon  which  the  brain  can  draw  to  replenish  its  wasting  stock  ; 
the  failure  to  recognize  these  demands  causes  very  much  of  the  dys- 
pepsia from  which  those  who  lead  sedentary  lives  suffer  so  generally  ; 
these  should  discard  those  articles  of  diet  that  principally  contribute  to> 
build  up  the  material,  and  use  such  as  will  impart  strength  to  the 
mind. 

There  are  quite  a  number  of  well-authenticated  cases  of  the  actual 
subsistence  of  the  body  upon  the  elements  contained  in  the  atmosphere 
a  sufficient  length  of  time  to  show  that  it  could  be  continued  indefi- 
nitely if  the  proper  conditions  were  preserved.  One  of  these  cases  in 
the  State  of  Kentucky  has  remained  seventeen  years  in  this  condition  ; 
one  in  Chicago  nearly  four  years ;  there  is  one  in  Brooklyn  of  three 
years'  duration ;  and  a  number  of  others  from  ten  to  sixty  days.  In 
this  condition  the  physical  system  becomes  entirely  renovated,  purified, 
and  almost  transparent,  and  the  spiritual  faculties  intensified  many  fold. 


TENDENCIES  AND  PROPHECIES  OF  THE  PRESENT  AGE. 

» 
[Revised  from  the  American  Workman  of  Nov.  20,  1870.] 


NO.  IV. 


Arguing  from  the  fact  that  the  character  of  food  subsisted  upon  is 
gradually  changed  from  the  purely  physical  to  the  more  refined  andr 


244  TENDENCIES  AND   PEOPHECIES   OF   THE   PRESENT   AGE. 

rare,  in  connection  with  that  of  exceptional  cases  having  existed,  in 
which  supplies  were  drawn  from  entirely  different  sources  than  digested  . 
food,  leads  toward  the  conclusion,  at  least,  that  the  time  will  come 
when  men  will  have  grown  out  of  the  necessity  of  supplying  the  wast- 
ing energies  of  the  body  and  mind  by  the  use  of  food,  and  into  that  re- 
fined spiritual  condition  in  which  he  can  draw  directly  upon  the  ele- 
ments which  the  atmosphere  does  or  will  furnish  to  supply  all  his  de- 
mands. All  the  arguments  nature  furnishes  point  to  this  condition.  All 
know  how  very  important  it  is  to  have  a  plentiful  suppty  of  pure  air ; 
but  how  far  this  goes  toward  furnishing  the  elements  of  supply  de- 
manded by  the  body,  the  deepest  inquiries  have  not  decided. 

In  a  given  case,  the  actual  amount  in  weight  that  is  furnished  the 
body  can  be  determined  ;  deducting  the  weight  of  the  excretions  and 
palpable  secretions,  it  is  supposed  the  difference  is  consumed  by  some 
undefined  process  within  the  body ;  but  who  can  tell  how  much  and 
what  the  system  takes  directly  from  the  atmosphere,  or  how  much  it 
gives  up  to  it,  that  we  have  no  means  of  defining  by  weight  or  other- 
wise ?  We  also  know  that  the  atmosphere  maintains  an  immense  pres- 
sure upon  the  body,  and  that  it  involuntarily  resists  this  pressure  ;  this 
could  not  happen  were  there  not  some  well  defined  and  intimate  rela- 
tions between  the  two  upon  which  man,  as  the  object,  must  be  greatly 
dependent. 

Another  strong  and  pointed  argument  is  to  be  found  in  the  process 
sometimes  resorted  to  to  sustain  life  :  in  cases  of  great  prostration  of 
the  physical  system,  under  exhaustive  disease,  when  the  means  cannot 
be  supplied  through  the  medium  of  the  stomach  and  digestion,  they 
are  furnished  by  being  absorbed  into  the  system  through  the  pores  of 
the  skin. 

The  constant  death  and  decay  of  all  the  materials  upon  which  we 
feed,  besides  all  that  vast  amount  not  drawn  upon  directly,  is  continu- 
ally giving  off  to  the  atmosphere  the  same  kind  of  elements  which  the 
body  retains  and  uses  from  supplies  of  food  ;  as  they  exist  in  the  at- 
mosphere in  the  form  of  elements,  and  there  is  a  demand  within  the 
body  for  them,  it  is  only  necessary  to  create  and  maintain  the  means 
of  supply  to  solve  the  problem.  A  glorious  prophecy  comes  forth  from 
the  tendencies  of  labor  toward  the  mental,  and  the  accompanying  ne- 
cessity for  modifications  of  diet,  adapted  to  the  many  gradations  man 
must  pass  through  to  reach  a  purely  spiritual  condition. 

The  physical  system  has  been  the  accredited  medium  through 
which  the  spirit  within  it — the  real  man — has  wrought,  and  still  is,  in 


TENDENCIES   AND    PROPHECIES    OF   THE    l-'KFSEXT    AGE.  245 

all  individuals  who  are  not  beyond  the  point  where  spirit  becomes  the 
predominant  and  governing  characteristic.  In  the  present,  however, 
there  are  scattered  here  and  there  among  the  masses  individuals  who 
have  passed — are  passing — or  are  approaching  that  point  in  which  the 
spirit,  at  times,  acts  independently  of  its  material  machine  in  which  it  has 
been  fostered  and  cultured,  and  gives  positive  proofs  of  an  existence 
within  the  body  of  an  individualized  life,  which  can  and  does  act  with- 
out the  agency  of  the  body,  and  performs  functions  before  impossible. 
There  are  a  thousand  persons,  at  least,  in  this  country  who  have  a  sight 
entirely  independent  of  the  physical  eye,  which  overleaps  the  bounda- 
ries of  physical  vision ;  penetrates  the  barriers  of  external  sense,  tears  off 
the  mask  of  hypocricy  and  deceit,  detects  the  motives  and  mainsprings 
of  action,  and  lays  bare  the  heart  of  man.  While  comparatively  but 
few  have  attained  this,  all  are  approaching  it.  What  does  Paul  mean 
but  this  when  he  says,  "  Now  we  see,  as  through  a  glass,  darkly ;  but 
then  face  to  face"?  When  the  spirit-eye  shall  have  fully  pierced  its 
barriers  of  flesh,  when  the  body  shall  have  become  subservient  to  the 
spirit,  instead  of  the  spirit  being  dependent  upon  the  body,  when  we 
"shall  see  as  we  are  seen,  and  know  as  we  are  known,"  how  radical  the 
changes,  and  how  rapid  the  strides  of  advancement  will  then  be ! 

Reason  for  a  moment  upon  the  effect  that  would  be  produced  were 
every  tenth  person  suddenly  endowed  with  spirit-sight,  and  compelled 
to  demonstrate  it  by  exposing  the  hearts  and  the  lives  of  all  the  rest. 
Where  could  oppression  hide  itself?  Where  could  the  lusts  of  the 
flesh  plot  their  treason  against  the  sovereignty  of  the  spirit,  beyond  the 
range  of  spirit  vigilance — this  new  safeguard  of  human  society,  the  eter- 
nal law  of  progress,  which  is  now  unfolding  ?  In  such  a  condition  of 
things,  courts  of  justice,  with  all  their  attendant  judges,  bailiffs  and  at- 
torneys-at-law,  would  find  their  occupation  gone.  Prisons  would  be 
converted  into  asylums  and  workshops  for  the  weak  and  unfortunate, 
and  their  keepers  into  superintendents  and  teachers.  Churches  would 
be  converted  into  lecture-rooms  ;  and  preachers,  now  hurling  their  an- 
athemas against  unrepentant  sinners,  would  become  professors  of  the 
great  principles  through  and  by  which  the  world,  and  all  things,  have 
been  brought  from  the  primary  condition  thus  far  on  their  march  toward 
the  perfect. 

Many  individuals  know'  that  they  are  under  the  surveillance  of 
this  spirit-sight,  and  demonstrate  in  conduct  its  beneficent  influence ; 
but  the  capacity  has  not  yet  become  sufficiently  general  to  compel  the 
recognition  of  its  efficacy  by  the  public  mind.  As  the  rising  sun  first 


24:6  TENDENCIES   AND    PROPHECIES    OF   THE    PRESENT   AGE. 

gilds  the  mountain's  loftiest  peak,  next  the  hill-top,  then  glides  along 
the  inviting  slope  to  the  universal  plain,  where  all  creation  rejoices 
under  the  refulgence  of  its  noonday  glories — so  comes  this  rising- 
light,  to  illumine  the  hearts  and  souls  of  all  when  it  shall  have  reached 
the  zenith  ot  its  mid-day  glory.  As  the  beams  reflected  from  the  moun- 
tain top  are  of  the  sun,  and  not  the  mountains,  so  are  these  spiritual 
rays  of  the  spiritual  sun,  and  not  of  the  individual  reflecting  them,  or 
through  whom  they  may  chance  to  shine.  Verily,  verily,  I  say  unto 
vou,  this  people  vaunteth  and  puifeth  itself  with  knowledge,  but  wis- 
dom hath  surely  departed  to  the  lowly  ones  of  earth  !  Eeligion,  clad 
in  its  robes  "  of  purple  and  fine  linen,"  faring  "  sumptuously  everyday," 
forgetting  that  Christ  was  cradled  in  a  manger,  and  that  His  disciples 
were  fishermen,  continually  cries,  as  did  the  "  Pharisees  and  hypocrites  " 
of  old  :  "  Can  any  good  thing  come  out  of  Nazareth  ?  " 

The  time  is  not  far  distant  when  the  possession  of  spirit-sight  will 
be  accounted  of  the  first  importance,  not  to  those  only  who  possess  it, 
but  to  the  public  generally,  and  will  be  sought  for  and  made  practical 
to  the  honor  of  its  possessors  and  to  the  inestimable  benefit  of  all.  The 
time  will  come  in  the  not  far  distant  future  when  those  who  now  cry 
out,  ''Can  any  good  thing  come  out  of  Nazareth?"  will  bow,  with  be- 
coming humility,  before  the  later-day  fishermen  ;  for  these  will  then  oc- 
cupy the  places  of  public  trust,  and  spirit-telegraphy,  having  superseded 
material  wires,  will  convey  the  commands  of  God's  accredited  ministers 
from  the  central  seat  of  Power  throughout  the  world. 

Where  are  all  the  great  of  the  past;  its  orators,  philosophers  and  states- 
men ;  Confucius,  Zoroaster,  Moses,  David,  Solomon,  Lycurgus,  Demos- 
thenes, Cicero,  Bonaparte,  Washington,  and  many  others,  of  all  nations 
and  climes,  to  whom  history  points  as  having  stood  hundreds  of  years 
in  advance  of  their  times  ?  Do  they  still  live  ?  and,  living,  are  they 
idle?  Are  their  minds  withdrawn  from  subjects  to  which  they  were 
devoted  in  this  primary  schoolhouse  of  the  children  of  God  ?  Are  not 
their  minds  expanded  to  the  comprehension  of  the  great  principles  of 
governmental  justice?  Are  they  not  better  qualified  to  direct  legisla- 
tion now  than  the  wisest  among  us  ?  If  they  still  live  as  spirits,  if  they 
have  had  better  opportunities  of  obtaining  wisdom  and  knowledge  per- 
taining to  earth-life  than  we — can  this  world  avail  itself  of  their  assist- 
ance to  establish  on  earth  the  government  of  heaven  ?  If  the  angel  in 
the  bush  were  possible,  why  may  not  angels  manifest  the  wisdom,  power, 
and  justice  of  God  in  our  legislative  halls?  Who  will  dare  to  assert 
that  they  are  not  even  now  seeking  another  Moses  to  lead  "  His  people  "• 


TENDENCIES   AND    PROPHECIES    OF   THE    PKESENT   AGE.  247 

up  out  of  Egypt?  Then  will  the  prophecies  of  the  present  have 
reached  consummation ;  then  will  commence  the  earthly  reign  of  the 
King  of  kings  and  Lord  of  lords,  as  prophesied  by  all  the  holy  prophets 
of  the  world  ;  then  old  things  shall  pass  away  and  all  things  become 
new  ;  then  the  Christ  shall  sit  upon  the  throne,  and  from  his  inexhausted 
fountain  of  love,  justice  shall  continually  flow  over  all  the  earth,  "  as 
the  waters  cover  the  sea." 

As  vanish  the  heavy  mists  of  the  morning  before  the  radiance  of 
the  rising  sun,  so  will  vanish  the  clouds  that  hang  around  the  minds  of 
man,  and  shut  out  the  rising  spiritual  sun,  for  whose  "  star  in  the  East " 
wise  men  are  continually  watching ;  the  sun  that  will  rise  higher  and 
higher,  and  extend  its  rays  wider  and  wider,  until  it  shall  enlighten  the 
minds  of  all  mankind,  .until  the  icebergs  of  ignorance,  tradition  and  su- 
perstition are  dissolved  which  now  float  in  the  ocean  of  progress—  society, 
with  its  cankered,  festering  heart ;  commerce  robbed  of  its  legitimate 
function ;  labor  of  its  recompense,  and  religion  of  its  spirituality  ;  edu- 
cation lacking  wisdom,  marriages  forming  "  disunions,"  and  women  with- 
out rights. 

All  the  false  forms  of  the  present  must  yield  their  sway  to  God's 
command— "Let  there  be  light"  The  laws  of  God  are  never  changed 
— though  old  as  creation — they  are  ever  new,  ever  sufficient  for  all  the 
vicissitudes  of  life ;  they  are  ever  full  of  wisdom,  justice  and  love ;  they, 
are  written  all  over  the  face  of  creation,  in  the  bosom  of  the  earth  and 
in  the  heart  of  man  ;  they  are  uttered  by  the  raging  tempest  that  rocks 
the  mighty  ocean ;  in  the  terrible  mutterings  of  the  earthquake ;  in  the 
fury  of  destructive  battle,  when  hosts  are  hurled  on  hosts  in  fraternal 
strife  ;  through  all  these  the  voice  of  God  proclaims — u  Let  there  be 
light,"  and  there  is  light. 

We  also  hear  its  whispers  in  the  gentle  zephyrs  that  stir  the  burst- 
ing buds  and  in  the  blooming  flowers  that  lift  their  heads  to  drink  the 
falling  dew  ;  in  the  hum  of  busy  nature ;  in  the  gushing  fountain ;  we 
see  it  in  the  gambols  of  the  bubbling  brook ;  in  the  mother's  love  for 
the  new-born  life ;  in  the  father's  pride  ;  in  the  unspoken  joy  of  the 
maiden's  soul,  listening  to  the  first  sweet  tones  of  love ;  in  the 
magnetic  ties  of  human  sympathy  which  bind  all  mankind  in  a  common 
brotherhood,  and  in  the  dawning  light  of  heaven  brought  to  earth  by 
the  angelic  hosts  to  usher  in  the  reign  of  universal  justice,  peace  and 
love. 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

LOAN  DEPT. 

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or  on  the  date  to  which  renewed.  Renewals  only: 

Tel.  No.  642-3405 

Renewals  may  be  made  4  days  priod  to  date  due. 
Renewed  books  are  subject  to  immediate  recall. 

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